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American  Statesmen 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 


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BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 
®t)E  Uitaerpi&c  $tegs  Cambnbge 


Copyright,  1883  and  1898, 

By  JOHN  T.  MORSE,  JR. 

Copyright,  1898, 

By  HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  & CO. 


All  rights  reserved. 


CONTENTS 


CB-4P.  PAGE 

I.  Youth 1 

II.  In  the  House  of  Burgesses  ...  15 

IH.  In  Congress 23 

IV.  Again  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  . . 36 

V.  Governor  of  Virginia 51 

VI.  In  Congress  Again 64 

VH.  Minister  to  France 70 

VTH.  Secretary  of  State.  — Domestic  Affairs  . 87 

IX.  Secretary  of  State. — Growth  of  Dissensions  100 
X.  Secretary  of  State.  — Foreign  Affairs  . 130 

XI.  In  Retreat 148 

XII.  Vice-President 154 

XHI.  President  : First  Term.  — Offices.  — Callen- 
der   186 

XIV.  President  : First  Term.  — Louisiana  . . 205 

XV.  President  : First  Term.  — Impeachments.  — 

Reelection 230 

XVI.  President  : Second  Term.  — Randolph’s  De- 
fection. — Burr’s  Treason  . . . 242 

XVH.  President:  Second  Term.  — Embargo  . . 255 

XV  ILL.  At  Monticello:  Political  Opinions  . . 286 

XIX.  At  Monticello  : Personal  Matters.  — Death  295 
Index  . 309 


. 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


CHAPTER  I 

YOUTH 

Little  more  than  a century  ago  a civilized  na- 
tion without  an  aristocracy  was  a pitiful  spectacle 
scarcely  to  be  witnessed  in  the  world.  The  Amer- 
ican colonists,  having  brought  no  dukes  and  barons 
with  them  to  the  rugged  wilderness,  fell  in  some 
sort  under  a moral  compulsion  to  set  up  an  imita- 
tion of  the  genuine  creatures,  and,  as  their  best 
makeshift  in  the  emergency,  they  ennobled  in  a 
kind  of  local  fashion  the  richer  Virginian  planters. 
These  gentlemen  were  not  without  many  qualifica- 
tions for  playing  the  agreeable  part  assigned  to 
them ; they  gambled  recklessly  over  cards  and  at 
the  horse-racings  and  cock-fightings  which  formed 
their  chief  pleasures ; they  caroused  to  excess  at 
taverns  and  at  each  other’s  houses ; they  were  very 
extravagant,  very  lazy,  very  arrogant,  and  fully 
persuaded  of  their  superiority  over  their  fellows, 
whom  they  felt  it  their  duty  and  their  privilege  to 
direct  and  govern ; they  had  large  landed  estates, 


2 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ancl  preserved  the  custom  of  entailing  them  in 
favor  of  eldest  sons  ; they  were  great  genealogists, 
and  steeped  in  family  pride  ; they  occupied  houses 
which  were  very  capacious  and  noted  for  unlimited 
hospitality,  but  which  were  also  ill-kept  and  bar- 
ren ; they  were  fond  of  field-sports  and  were  ad- 
mirable horsemen ; they  respected  the  code  of 
honor,  and  quarreled  and  let  blood  as  gentlemen 
should ; they  were  generous,  courageous,  and  high- 
spirited  ; a few  of  them  were  liberally  educated 
and  well-read.  We  all  know  that  when  the  days 
of  trial  came,  the  best  of  them  were  little  inferior 
to  the  best  men  whose  names  are  to  be  found  in 
the  history  of  any  people  in  the  world ; 1 though 
when  one  studies  the  antecedents  and  social  sur- 
roundings whence  these  noble  figures  emerged,  it 
seems  as  if  for  once  men  had  gathered  grapes  from 
thorns  and  figs  from  thistles. 

Rather  upon  the  outskirts  than  actually  within 
the  sacred  limits  of  this  charmed  circle,  Thomas 
Jefferson  was  born  on  April  13,  1743.  The  first 
American  Jefferson  was  dimly  supposed  to  have 
immigrated  from  Snowdon,  in  Wales;  such  at 
least  was  the  family  “ tradition ; ” while  the  only 
thing  certainly  to  be  predicated  concerning  him  is 
that  he  was  one  of  the  earliest  settlers,  having  ar- 
rived in  Virginia  before  the  Mayflower  had  brought 

1 It  should  be  remembered  that  by  good  rights  neither  Wash- 
ington, Jefferson,  nor  even  Madison,  before  they  became  distin- 
guished, would  have  been  entitled  to  take  rank  in  the  exclusive 
coterie  of  the  best  Virginian  families. 


YOUTH 


3 


the  first  cargo  of  Puritans  to  the  New  England 
coast.  Peter  Jefferson,  the  father  of  Thomas,  gave 
the  family  its  first  impetus  on  the  road  towards 
worldly  success.  He  was  a man  of  superb  phy- 
sique, and  of  correspondingly  vigorous  intellect 
and  enterprising  temper.  In  early  life  he  became 
very  intimate  with  William  Randolph  of  Tucka- 
hoe ; he  “ patented  ” in  the  wilderness  a thousand 
acres  of  land  adjoining  the  larger  estate  of  Ran- 
dolph, bought  from  his  friend  four  hundred  acres 
more,  paying  therefor  the  liberal  price  of  “ Henry 
Weatkerbourne’s  biggest  bowl  of  arrack  punch,” 
as  is  jovially  nominated  in  the  deed ; and  further 
cemented  the  alliance  by  marrying  William’s  cousin, 
Jane  Randolph,  in  1738.  The  distinction  which 
this  infusion  of  patrician  blood  brought  to  the  com- 
moner Jeffersonian  stream  was  afterwards  slight- 
ingly referred  to  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  who  said, 
with  a characteristic  democratic  sneer,  that  his 
mother’s  family  traced  “ their  pedigree  far  back 
in  England  and  Scotland,  to  which  let  every  one 
ascribe  the  faith  and  merit  he  chooses.” 

Peter  Jefferson’s  plantation,  or  more  properly 
his  farm,  for  it  seems  to  have  been  largely  devoted 
to  the  culture  of  wheat,  lay  on  the  Rivanna  near 
its  junction  with  the  James,  including  a large  ex- 
tent of  plain  and  some  of  the  lower  shoulders  or 
spurs  of  the  mountains  known  as  the  Southwest 
Range.  He  named  it  Shadwell,  after  the  parish 
in  London  where  his  wife  had  been  born ; among 
its  hills  was  that  of  Monticello,  upon  which  in  after 


4 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


years  Thomas  Jefferson  built  his  house.  Peter  was 
colonel  of  his  county,  and  a member  of  the  House 
of  Burgesses,  apparently  a man  of  rising  note  in 
the  colony.  But  in  August,  1757,  in  the  fiftieth 
year  of  what  seemed  a singularly  vigorous  life,  he 
suddenly  died,  leaving  Thomas  only  fourteen  years 
old,  with  the  advantages,  however,  of  a comforta- 
ble property  and  an  excellent  family  connection  on 
the  mother’s  side,  so  that  it  would  be  his  own  fault 
if  he  should  not  prosper  well  in  the  world. 

Jefferson  appears  to  have  been  sensibly  brought 
up,  getting  as  good  an  education  as  was  possible  in 
Virginia  and  paying  also  due  regard  to  his  physical 
training.  He  grew  to  Tbe  a slender  and  sinewy, 
or,  as  some  preferred  to  say,  a thin  and  raw-boned 
young  man,  six  feet  two  and  one  half  inches  tall, 
with  hair  variously  reported  as  red,  reddish,  and 
sandy,  and  with  eyes  mixed  of  gray  and  hazel. 
Certainly  he  was  not  handsome,  and  in  order  to 
establish  his  social  attractiveness  his  friends  fall 
back  on  “ his  countenance,  so  highly  expressive  of 
intelligence  and  benevolence,”  and  upon  his  “fluent 
and  sensible  conversation  ” intermingled  with  a 
“ vein  of  pleasantry.”  He  is  said  to  have  improved 
in  appearance  as  he  grew  older,  and  to  have  be- 
come “ a very  good-looking  man  in  middle  age,  and 
quite  a handsome  old  man.”  1 He  was  athletic, 
fond  of  shooting,  and  a skillful  and  daring  horse- 
man even  for  a Virginian.  He  early  developed  a 
strong  taste  for  music,  and  fiddled  assiduously  for 
1 Tucker’s  Life  of  Jefferson , i.  29. 


YOUTH 


5 


many  years.  By  his  own  desire  he  entered  Wil- 
liam and  Mary  College  in  1760,  at  the  age  of  sev- 
enteen. He  was  now  secure  of  every  advantage 
possible  for  a young  Virginian.  The  college  was 
at  Williamsburg,  then  the  capital  of  the  colony^ 
and  his  relationship  with  the  Randolphs  made  him 
free  of  the  best  houses.1  A Scotch  doctor,  Wil- 
liam Small,  was  Professor  of  Mathematics  and  tem- 
porarily also  of  Philosophy.  He  appears  to  have 
had  a happy  gift  of  instruction,  and  to  have  fired 
the  mind  of  his  pupil  with  a great  zeal  for  learn- 
ing. Jefferson  afterward  even  said  that  the  pre- 
sence of  this  gentleman  at  the  University  was 
“what  probably  fixed  the  destinies  of  my  life.” 

If  we  may  take  Jefferson’s  own  word  for  it,  he 
habitually  studied,  during  his  second  collegiate 
year,  fifteen  hours  a day,  and  for  his  only  exercise 
ran,  at  twilight,  a mile  out  of  the  city  and  back 
again.  Long  afterward,  in  1808,  he  wrote  to  a 
grandson  a sketch  of  this  period  of  his  life,  com- 
posed in  his  moral  and  didactic  vein ; in  it  he 
draws  a beautiful  picture  of  his  own  precocious 
and  unnatural  virtue,  and  is  himself  obliged  to 
gaze  in  surprise  upon  one  so  young  and  yet  so 
good  amid  crowding  temptations.  Without  fully 

1 But  one  must  not  draw  too  glowing  a picture  of  the  advan- 
tage of  living  in  Williamsburg,  which  in  fact  was  a village  con- 
taining about  two  hundred  houses,  “ one  thousand  souls,  whites 
and  negroes,”  and  “ ten  or  twelve  gentlemens  families  constantly 
residing  in  it,  besides  merchants  and  tradesmen.”  Only  during 
the  winter  session  of  the  legislature  it  became  “crowded  with  the 
gentry  of  the  country.”  See  Parton's  Life  of  Jefferson,  20. 


6 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


sharing  in  this  generous  admiration,  we  must  not 
doubt  that  he  was  sufficiently  studious  and  sensi- 
ble, for  he  had  a natural  thirst  for  information,  and 
he  always  afterward  appeared  a broadly  educated 
man.  His  preference  was  for  mathematics  and 
natural  philosophy,  studies  which  he  deemed  “ so 
peculiarly  engaging  and  delightful  as  would  induce 
every  one  to  wish  an  acquaintance  with  them.” 
He  was  fond  also  of  classics,  and  indeed  eschewed 
with  positive  distaste  no  branch  of  study  save  only 
ethics  and  metaphysics.  At  these  he  sneered,  and 
actually  once  had  the  courage  to  say  that  it  was 
“ lost  time  ” to  attend  lectures  on  moral  philoso- 
phy, since  “ he  who  made  us  would  have  been 
a pitiful  bungler  if  he  had  made  the  rules  of  our 
moral  conduct  a matter  of  science.”  Certainly 
morals  never  became  in  his  mind  one  of  the  exact 
sciences,  and  the  heretical  notion  of  his  youth  re- 
mained the  conviction  of  his  mature  years.  He 
appears  to  have  read  quite  extensively,  with  sound 
selection  and  liberal  taste,  among  the  acknowledged 
classics  in  Greek,  Latin,  and  English  literature, 
and  to  some  extent  also  in  French  and  Italian. 
But  novels  he  never  fancied  and  rarely  touched  at 
any  period  of  his  life,  though  not  by  reason  of  a 
severe  taste,  since  for  a long  while  he  was  nothing 
less  than  infatuated  with  the  bombast  of  Ossian. 

After  graduation,  J efferson  read  law  in  the  office 
of  George  Wythe,  a gentleman  whose  genial  social 
qualities  and  high  professional  attainments  are  at- 
tested by  the  friendly  allusions  of  many  eminent 


YOUTH 


7 


contemporaries.1  His  zeal  in  labor  still  continued, 
and  again  the  story  is  told  that  he  habitually 
reached  the  measure  of  fifteen  hours  of  study 
daily.  When  he  was  about  twenty-one  years  old, 
Jefferson  drew  up  a plan  of  study  and  reading  for 
a young  friend.  Before  eight  o’clock  in  the  morn- 
ing  this  poor  fellow  was  to  devote  himself  to  “ phy- 
sical studies ; ” eight  to  twelve  o’clock,  law ; twelve 
to  one,  politics  ; afternoon,  history ; “ dark  to 
.bedtime,”  literature,  oratory,  etc.,  etc.  Yet  there 
were  cakes  and  ale  in  those  days,  young  girls  and 
dancing  at  the  Raleigh  tavern,  cards  and  horses ; 
and  the  young  Virginians  had  their  full  share  of 
all  these  good  things.  Probably  the  fifteen  hours 
stint,  as  a regular  daily  allowance,  is  fabulous. 
With  Professor  Small  and  Mr.  Wythe  the  young 
student  formed  a “ partie  carree  ” at  the  “ pal- 
ace ” of  Francis  Fauquier,  then  the  gay,  agreeable, 
accomplished,  free-thinking,  gambling  governor  of 
Virginia.  The  four  habitually  dined  together  in 
spite  of  the  fifteen-hour  rule,  and  it  betokens  no 
small  degree  of  intellectual  maturity  on  the  part 
of  Jefferson,  that  while  a mere  college  lad,  he  was 
the  selected  companion  of  three  such  gentle- 
men. Fortunately  his  Sound  common  sense  pro- 
tected him  from  the  dangerous  elements  in  the 
association. 

A few  letters  written  by  Jefferson  at  this  time 
to  his  friend  John  Page,  a member  of  the  well- 

1 John  Marshall  read  law  with  him,  and  Henry  Clay  was  his 
private  secretary. 


fi 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


known  Virginian  family  of  that  name  and  himself 
afterward  governor  of  Virginia,  have  been  pre- 
served. Without  showing  much  brilliancy,  they 
abound  in  labored  attempts  at  humor,  and  are 
thickly  sown  with  fragments  from  the  classics  and 
simple  bits  of  original  Latinity.  The  chief  bur- 
den of  them  all  is  the  girls,  whose  faces,  it  is  to 
be  hoped,  were  prettier  than  their  names,  — Sukey 
Potter,  Judy  Burwell,  and  the  like.  One  of  them, 
“ Belinda,”  as  he  called  her,  he  treated  in  a rather 
peculiar  way.  He  told  her  that  he  loved  her,  but 
did  not  desire  at  present  to  engage  himself,  since 
he  wished  to  go  to  Europe  for  an  indefinite  period ; 
but  he  said  that  on  his  return,  of  course  with  un- 
changed affections,  he  would  finally  and  openly 
commit  himself.  To  this  not  very  ardent  propo- 
sition the  lady  naturally  said  No,  and  soon 
wedded  another.  The  “ laggard  in  love  ” wrote 
a despairing  letter  or  two,  which  fail  to  bring 
tears  to  the  reader’s  eyes ; remained  in  comforta- 
ble bachelorhood  a few  short  years,  and  then  gave 
his  hand,  and  doubtless  also  in  all  warmth  and 
sincerity  his  heart,  to  the  young  widow  of  Bathurst 
Skelton.  His  marriage  took  place  January  1, 
1772.  If  the  accounts  of  gallant  chroniclers  may 
be  trusted,  the  bride  had  every  qualification  which 
can  make  woman  attractive  ; an  exquisite  feminine 
beauty,  grace  of  manners,  loveliness  of  disposition, 
rare  cleverness,  and  many  accomplishments.  Fur- 
thermore, her  father,  John  Wayles,  a rich  lawyer, 
considerately  died  about  sixteen  months  after  the 


YOUTH 


9 


marriage,  and  so  caused  a handsome  addition  to 
Jefferson’s  property. 

Jefferson,  however,  had  no  need  to  marry  for 
money.  Though  not  very  rich,  he  was  well  off 
and  was  rapidly  multiplying  his  assets.  At  the 
time  of  his  marriage  he  had  increased  his  patri- 
mony so  that  1900  acres  had  swelled  by  purchases 
to  5000  acres,  and  thirty  slaves  had  increased  to 
fifty-two.  He  was  getting  considerably  upwards 
of  $3000  a year  from  his  profession,1  and  $2000 
from  his  farm.  This  made  a very  good  income  in 
those  days  in  Virginia.  The  evidence  is  abundant 
that  he  was  thrifty,  industrious,  and  successful. 
He  seemed  like  one  destined  to  accumulate  wealth, 
but  he  never  had  a fair  opportunity  to  show  his 
capacity  in  this  direction,  since  he  maintained  a 
resolve  not  to  better  his  fortunes  while  in  public 
life. 

His  career  at  the  bar  began  in  1767,  when  he 
was  only  twenty-four  years  old,  and  closed  in  1774.  . 
If  he  had  only  been  getting  fairly  into  business 
when  he  left  the  profession,  he  would  have  had 
little  right  to  complain.  But  apparently  he  had 
stepped  at  once  into  an  excellent  practice,  and. 
either  the  chief  occupation  of  all  Virginians  was 
litigation,  or  else  he  must  have  enjoyed  excep- 
tional good  fortune.  In  the  first  year  he  had 
sixty-eight  cases  in  the  “ general  court,”  in  the 
next  year  one  hundred  and  fifteen,  in  the  third 

1 During  the  seven  years  that  he  was  in  practice  his  fees  aver* 
Sged  $3000  per  annum. 


10 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


year  one  hundred  and  ninety-eight.  Of  causes 
before  inferior  tribunals  no  record  was  kept.  Yet 
Mr.  Randall  tells  us  that  he  was  chiefly  an  “ office- 
lawyer,”  for  that  a husky  weakness  of  the  voice 
prevented  him  from  becoming  very  successful  as 
an  advocate. 

The  farming,  though  it  contributed  the  smaller 
fraction  of  his  income,  was  the  calling  which 
throughout  life  he  loved  with  an  inborn  fondness 
not  to  be  quenched  by  all  the  cares  and  interests 
of  a public  career,  and  his  notebooks  attest  the 
unresting  interest  which  he  brought  to  it  in*  all 
times  and  places.  A striking  paper,  unfortunately 
incomplete  and  undated,  is  published  in  the  first 
volume  of  his  works.  “ I sometimes  ask  myself,” 
he  writes,  “ whether  my  country  is  the  better  for 
my  having  lived  at  all.  ...  I have  been  the  in- 
strument of  doing  the  following  things.”  Then 
are  enumerated  such  matters  as  the  disestablish- 
ment of  the  state  church  in  Virginia,  the  putting 
an  end  to  entails,  the  prohibition  of  the  importa- 
tion of  slaves,  also  the  drafting  of  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  and  in  the  same  not  very  long 
list,  cheek  by  jowl  with  these  momentous  achieve- 
ments, follows  the  importation  of  olive  plants  from 
Marseilles  into  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  and 
of  heavy  upland  rice  from  Africa  into  the  same 
States,  in  the  hope  that  it  might  supersede  the  cul- 
ture of  the  wet  rice  so  pestilential  in  the  summer. 
“ The  greatest  service,”  he  comments,  “ which  can 
be  rendered  to  any  country  is,  to  add  a useful 


YOUTH 


11 


plant  to  its  culture,  especially  a bread  grain ; next 
in  value  to  bread  is  oil.”  At  another  time  he 
wrote  : “ Those  who  labor  in  the  earth  are  the 
chosen  people  of  God,  if  ever  he  had  a chosen  peo- 
ple, whose  breasts  he  has  made  his  peculiar  deposit 
for  substantial  and  genuine  virtue.  . . . Corruption 
of  morals  in  the  mass  of  cultivators  is  a phenome- 
non of  which  no  age  or  nation  has  furnished  an 
example.  . . . Generally  speaking,  the  proportion 
which  the  aggregate  of  the  other  classes  of  citizens 
bears  in  any  state  to  that  of  the  husbandmen  is 
the  proportion  of  its  unsound  to  its  healthy  parts, 
and  is  a good  enough  barometer  whereby  to  mea- 
sure the  degree  of  its  corruption.”  From  these 
premises  he  draw's  the  conclusion  that  it  is  an 
error  to  attract  artificers  or  mechanics  from  for- 
eign parts  into  this  country.  It  will  be  better  and 
more  wholesome,  he  says,  to  leave  them  in  their 
European  workshops,  and  “ carry  provisions  and 
materials  to  workmen  there,  than  bring  them  to 
the  provisions  and  materials,  and  with  them  their 
manners  and  principles.”  This  would  hardly  pass 
nowadays  for  sound  political  economy ; but  it  is  an 
excellent  sample  of  the  simple,  impractical  form 
into  which  Jefferson’s  reflections  were  apt  to  de- 
velop when  the  mood  of  dreamy  virtue  was  upon 
him.  During  an  inroad  of  yellow  fever  he  found 
“ consolation  ” in  the  reflection  that  Providence 
had  so  ordered  things  “ that  most  evils  are  the 
means  of  producing  some  good.  The  yellow  fever 
will  discourage  the  growth  of  great  cities  in  our 


12 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


nation,  and  I view  great  cities  as  pestilential  to 
the  morals,  tlie  health,  and  the  liberties  of  man.” 
Nor  did  wider  experience  of  the  world  cause  him 
to  change  his  views.  In  1785  he  wrote  from 
Paris : “ Cultivators  of  the  earth  are  the  most 
valuable  citizens.  They  are  the  most  vigorous,  the 
most  independent,  the  most  virtuous ; and  they  are 
tied  to  their  country  and  wedded  to  its  liberty  and 
interests  by  the  most  lasting  bonds.  ...  I consider 
the  class  of  artificers  as  the  panders  of  vice,  and 
the  instruments  by  which  the  liberties  of  a country 
are  generally  overturned.”  “ Were  I to  indulge 
in  my  own  theory,”  he  again  says,  “ I should  wish 
them  (the  States)  to  practice  neither  commerce 
nor  navigation,  but  to  stand  with  respect  to  Eu- 
rope precisely  on  the  footing  of  China.” 

For  his  own  personal  part,  Jefferson  was  always 
an  enthusiast  in  agriculture.  He  was  never  too 
busy  to  find  time  to  note  the  dates  of  the  planting 
and  the  ripening  of  his  vegetables  and  fruits.  He 
left  behind  him  a table  enumerating  thirty-seven 
esculents,  and  showing  the  earliest  date  of  the  ap- 
pearance of  each  one  of  them  in  the  Washington 
market  in  each  of  eight  successive  years.  He  had 
ever  a quick  observation  and  a keen  intelligence 
ready  for  every  fragment  of  new  knowledge  or  hint 
of  a useful  invention  in  the  way  of  field  work.  All 
through  his  busy  official  life,  abroad  and  at  home, 
he  appears  ceaselessly  to  have  one  eye  on  the  soil 
and  one  ear  open  to  its  cultivators ; he  is  always 
comparing  varying  methods  and  results,  sending 


YOUTH 


13 


new  seeds  hither  and  thither,  making  suggestions, 
trying  experiments,  till,  in  the  presence  of  his  en- 
terprise and  activity,  one  begins  to  think  that  the 
stagnating  character  so  commonly  attributed  to  the 
Virginian  planters  must  be  fabulous.  For,  on  the 
contrary,  so  far  was  his  temperament  removed  from 
the  conservatism  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race,  that 
often  he  seemed  to  take  the  fact  that  a thing  had 
never  been  done  as  a sufficient  reason  for  doing 
it.  All  his  tendencies  were  utilitarian.  Though 
strangely  devoid  of  any  appreciation  of  fiction  in 
literature,  yet  he  had  a powerful  imagination, 
wrhich  ranged  wholly  in  the  unromantic  domain  of 
the  useful,  and  ran  riot  in  schemes  for  conferring 
practical  benefits  on  mankind.  He  betrayed  the 
same  traits  in  agriculture  and  in  politics.  In  both 
he  was  often  a dreamer,  but  his  dreams  concerned 
the  daily  affairs  of  his  fellow  men,  and  his  life  was 
devoted  to  reducing  his  idealities  to  realities.  It 
was  largely  this  sanguine  taste  for  novelty,  this 
dash  of  the  imaginative  element,  flavoring  all  his 
projects  and  doctrines,  which  made  them  attractive 
to  the  multitude,  who,  finding  present  facts  to  be 
for  the  most  part  hard  and  uninviting,  are  ever 
prone  to  be  pleased  with  propositions  for  variety. 

Only  once,  under  the  combined  influences  of 
Ossian,  youth,  and  love,  we  find  his  fancy  roving 
in  a melodramatic  direction.  He  turns  then  for  a 
while  from  absorbing  calculations  of  the  amount  of 
work  which  a man  can  do  with  a one-wheeled  bar- 
row  and  the  amount  he  can  do  with  a two-wheeled 


14 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


barrow,  tbe  number  and  cost  of  the  nails  required 
for  a certain  length  of  paling,  the  amount  of  lime, 
or  limestone,  required  for  a perch  of  stone  wall,  and 
in  place  of  these  useful  computations  he  lays  plans 
for  ornamental  work.  He  will  “ choose  out  for  a 
burying  place  some  unfrequented  vale  in  the  park,” 
wherein  a bubbling  brook  alone  shall  break  the 
stillness,  while  around  shall  be  “ ancient  and  ven- 
erable oaks  ” interspersed  with  “ gloomy  ever- 
greens.” In  the  centre  shall  be  a “ small  gothic 
temple  of  antique  appearance.”  He  will  “ appro- 
priate one  half  to  the  use  of  his  family,”  the  other, 
with  an  odd  manifestation  of  Virginian  hospitality, 
to  the  use  of  “ strangers,”  servants,  etc.  There 
shall  be  “ pedestals,  with  urns  and  proper  inscrip- 
tions ” and  a “ pyramid  of  the  rough  rockstone  ” 
over  the  “ grave  of  a favorite  and  faithful  servant.” 
There  will  be,  of  course,  a grotto,  “ spangled  with 
translucent  pebbles  and  beautiful  shells,”  with  an 
ever-trickling  stream,  a mossy  couch,  a figure  of  a 
sleeping  nymph,  and  appropriate  mottoes  in  Eng- 
lish and  Latin.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  these 
idle  fancies  seem  never  to  have  been  seriously 
taken  in  hand.  More  important  and  engrossing 
work  than  the  preparation  of  an  enticing  grave- 
yard was  forthwith  to  claim  Jefferson’s  attention. 


CHAPTER  n 

IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES 

About  the  time  when  he  entered  college,  Jeffer- 
son made  the  acquaintance  of  Patrick  Henry,  then 
a rather  unprosperous,  hilarious,  unknown  young 
countryman,  just  admitted  to  the  bar,  though  pro- 
foundly ignorant  of  law.  An  intimacy  sprang  up 
between  them,  and  when  Henry  became  a member 
of  the  House  of  Burgesses  he  often  shared  Jeffer- 
son’s chambers  at  Williamsburg.  From  them  he 
went,  in  May,  1T65,  to  utter  that  ringing  speech 
against  taxation  without  representation  which  made 
him  for  a time  foremost  among  Virginian  patriots. 
In  the  doorway  of  the  hall  stood  Jefferson,  an  en- 
tranced listener,  thinking  that  Henry  spoke  “as 
Homer  wrote.”  The  magnetic  influence  of  this 
brilliant  friend  would  have  transformed  a more 
loyally  disposed  youth  than  Jefferson  into  an  arrant 
rebel.  But  no  influence  was  needed  for  this  pur- 
pose ; Jefferson  was  by  nature  a bold  and  free 
thinker,  wanting  rather  ballast  than  canvas.  As 
he  watched  the  course  of  public  events  in  those 
years  when  the  germs  of  the  Revolution  were  swell- 
ing and  quickening  in  the  land,  all  his  sympathies 
»ere  warmly  enlisted  with  the  party  of  resistance. 


16 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


By  the  year  1768,  when  the  advent  of  a new  gov- 
ernor  made  necessary  the  election  of  a new  House 
of  Burgesses,  he  already  craved  the  opportunity  to 
take  an  active  part  in  affairs,  and  at  once  offered 
himself  as  a candidate  for  Albemarle  County.  He 
kept  open  house,  distributed  limitless  punch,  stood 
by  the  polls,  politely  bowing  to  every  voter  who 
named  him,  all  according  to  the  Virginian  fashion 
of  the  day,1  and  had  the  good  fortune,  by  these 
meritorious  efforts,  to  win  success.  On  May  11, 
1769,  he  took  his  seat.  Lord  Botetourt  delivered 
his  quasi-royal  speech,  and  J eff erson  drew  the  reso- 
lutions constituting  the  basis  of  the  reply ; but 
afterward,  being  deputed  to  draw  the  reply  itself, 
he  suffered  the  serious  mortification  of  having  his 
document  rejected.  On  the  third  day  the  burgesses 
passed  another  batch  of  resolutions,  so  odiously  like 
a Bill  of  Rights  that  the  governor,  much  perturbed 
in  his  loyal  mind,  dissolved  them  at  once.  The 
next  day  they  eked  out  this  brief  term  of  service 
by  meeting  in  the  “ Apollo,”  or  long  room  of  the 
Raleigh  tavern,  where  eighty-eight  of  them,  of 
whom  Jefferson  was  one,  formed  a non-importation 
league  as  against  British  merchandise.  All  the 
signers  of  this  document  were  at  once  reelected 
by  their  constituents. 

In  March,  1773,  the  burgesses  again  came  to- 
gether in  no  good  humor.  The  destruction  of  the 
Gaspee  in  Narragansett  Bay  had  led  to  a draconic 
act  of  Parliament  whereby  any  colonist,  destroying 

1 See  Parton’s  description,  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson,  p.  88. 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES 


17 


so  much  as  “the  button  of  a mariner’s  coat,”  might 
be  carried  to  England  for  trial  and  punished  with 
death.  Upon  the  assembling  of  the  burgesses,  Jef- 
ferson and  some  five  or  six  others,  “ not  thinking 
onr  old  and  leading  members  up  to  the  point  of 
forwardness  and  zeal  which  the  times  required,” 
met  privately  in  consultation.  The  offspring  of 
their  conference  was  a standing  committee  charged 
to  correspond  with  like  committees  which  the  sister 
colonies  were  invited  to  appoint.  An  idle  contro- 
versy has  arisen  as  to  whether  Massachusetts  or 
Virginia  was  first  to  devise  this  system  of  corre- 
spondence. Jefferson  long  afterward  averred  that 
Virginia  was  the  earlier,  and  the  evidence  favors 
the  substantial  correctness  of  his  statement;  for, 
though  Massachusetts  had  suggested  the  idea  some 
two  years  before,  she  had  not  pushed  it,  and  the 
suggestion,  known  to  few,  had  been  forgotten  by 
all.  It  naturally  resulted  from  this  proceeding 
that  the  burgesses  were  at  once  dissolved  by  the 
Earl  of  Dunmore.  But  the  committee  met  on  the 
next  day  and  issued  their  circular  of  invitation. 

A year  later,  in  the  spring  of  1774,  news  of  the 
Boston  Port  Bill  came  while  the  burgesses  were 
in  session.  Again  Jefferson  and  some  half  dozen 
more,  feeling  that  “ the  lead  in  the  House  on  these 
subjects  [should]  no  longer  be  left  with  the  old 
members,”  and  agreeing  that  they  “ must  boldly 
take  an  unequivocal  stand  in  the  line  with  Massa- 
chusetts,” 1 met  in  secret  to  devise  proper  measures. 

1 The  march  of  events,  Jefferson  afterward  wrote,  “favored 


18 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


They  determined  to  appoint  a day  of  fasting  and 
prayer,  and  in  the  House  they  succeeded  in  carry- 
ing a resolution  to  that  effect.  Again  the  gov- 
ernor dissolved  them  ; again  they  went  over  to  the 
“ Apollo,”  and  again  passed  there  most  disloyal 
resolutions.  Among  these  was  one  requesting  the 
Committee  of  Correspondence  to  consult  the  other 
colonies  on  the  expediency  of  holding  annually  a 
general  congress  ; also  another,  for  the  meeting  of 
representatives  from  the  counties  of  Virginia  in 
convention  at  Williamsburg  on  August  1.  The 
freeholders  of  Albemarle  elected  Jefferson  again  a 
burgess,  and  also  a deputy  to  this  convention. 

Jefferson  started  to  attend  the  meeting  of  the 
convention,  but  upon  the  road  was  taken  so  ill 
with  a dysentery  that  he  could  not  go  on.  He 
therefore  forwarded  a draft  of  instructions,  such 
as  he  hoped  to  see  given  by  that  body  to  the  dele- 
gates whom  it  was  to  send  to  the  general  con- 
gress of  the  colonies.  One  cop}*-  of  this  document 
was  sent  to  Patrick  Henry,  who,  however,  “ com- 

the  bolder  spirits  of  Henry,  the  Lees,  Pages,  Mason,  etc.,  with 
whom  I went  at  all  points.  Sensible,  however,  of  the  importance 
of  unanimity  among  our,  constituents,  although  we  often  wished 
to  have  gone  faster,  we  slackened  our  pace  that  our  less  ardent 
colleagues  might  keep  up  with  us  ; and  they  on  their  part,  differ- 
ing nothing  from  us  in  principle,  quickened  their  gait  somewhat 
beyond  that  which  their  prudence  might,  of  itself,  have  advised, 
and  thus  consolidated  the  phalanx  which  breasted  the  power  of 
Britain.  By  this  harmony  of  the  bold  with  the  cautious,  we  ad- 
vanced with  our  constituents,  in  undivided  mass,  and  with  fewer 
examples  of  separation  than,  perhaps,  existed  in  any  other  part  of 
the  Union.” 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES 


19 


municated  it  to  nobody  ; ” perhaps,  says  Jefferson, 
“ because  be  disapproved  the  ground  taken,”  per- 
haps “because  be  was  too  lazy  to  read  it.”  An- 
other copy  was  sent  with  better  fortune  to  Peyton 
Randolph,  president  of  the  convention.  It  was 
laid  by  him  upon  the  table,  was  read  by  the  mem- 
bers, and  was  so  well  liked  that  it  was  printed  in 
pamphlet  form  under  the  title  of  “A  Summary 
View  of  the  Rights  of  British  America ; ” in  this 
shape  it  was  sent  over  to  Great  Britain,  was  there 
“ taken  up  by  the  opposition,  interpolated  a little 
by  Mr.  Burke,”  and  then  extensively  circulated, 
running  “ rapidly  through  several  editions.” 

Naturally  that  was  the  era  of  manifestoes  in 
the  colonies,  and  many  pens  were  busy  preparing 
documents,  public  and  private,  famous  and  neg- 
lected, but  nearly  all  sound,  spirited,  generalizing, 
and  declamatory.  Jefferson’s  instructions  did  not 
wholly  escape  the  prevalent  faults,  and  had  their 
share  of  rodomontade  about  the  rights  of  freemen 
and  the  oppressions  of  monarchs.  But  these  were 
slight  blemishes  in  a paper  singularly  radical,  au- 
dacious, and  well  argued.  The  migration  of  the 
“ Saxon  ancestors  ” of  the  present  English  people, 
he  said,  had  been  made  “ in  like  manner  with  that 
of  the  British  immigrants  to  the  American  col- 
onies.” 

“ Nor  was  ever  any  claim  of  superiority  or  depend- 
ence asserted  over  [the  English]  by  that  Mother  Coun- 
try from  which  they  had  migrated ; and  were  such  a 
claim  made,  it  is  believed  his  Majesty’s  subjects  in 


20 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Great  Britain  have  too  firm  a feeling  of  the  rights  de- 
rived to  them  from  their  ancestors,  to  bow  down  the 
sovereignty  of  their  State  before  such  visionary  preten- 
sions. And  it  is  thought  that  no  circumstance  has  oc- 
curred to  distinguish  materially  the  British  from  the 
Saxon  emigration.  America  was  conquered  and  her 
settlements  made  and  firmly  established  at  the  expense 
of  individuals,  and  not  of  the  British  public.” 

This  was  laying  the  axe  at  the  very  root  of  the 
tree  with  tolerable  force  ; and  more  blows  of  the 
same  sort  followed.  The  connection  undeniably 
existing  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  coun- 
try was  reduced  to  a minimum  by  an  ingenious 
explanation.  The  emigrants,  Jefferson  said,  had 
“ thought  proper  ” to  “ continue  their  union  with 
England  ” “ by  submitting  themselves  to  the  same 
sovereign,”  who  was  a “ central  link  ” or  “ media- 
tory power  ” between  “ the  several  parts  of  the  em- 
pire,” so  that  “ the  relation  between  Great  Britain 
and  these  colonies  was  exactly  the  same  as  that  of 
England  and  Scotland  after  the  accession  of  James 
and  until  the  union,  and  the  same  as  her  present 
relations  with  Hanover,  having  the  same  executive 
chief,  but  no  other  necessary  connection.”  The 
corollary  was  “ that  the  Bi'itish  Parliament  has  no 
right  to  exercise  authority  over  us,”  and  when  it 
endeavored  to  do  so  “ one  free  and  independent 
legislature  ” took  upon  itself  “ to  suspend  the  pow- 
ers of  another,  free  and  independent  as  itself.” 

These  were  revolutionary  words,  and  fell  short 
by  ever  so  little  of  that  direct  declaration  of  inde- 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES 


21 


pendence  which  they  anticipated  by  less  than  two 
years.  They  would  have  cost  Jefferson  his  head  ' 
had  it  been  less  inconvenient  to  bring  him  to  West- 
minster Hall,  and  even  that  inconvenience  would 
probably  have  been  overcome  had  forcible  opposi- 
tion been  a little  longer  deferred  in  the  colonies. 
As  it  was,  the  pamphlet  “ procured  him  the  honor 
of  having  his  name  inserted  in  a long  list  of  pro- 
scriptions enrolled  in  a hill  of  attainder  commenced 
in  one  of  the  houses  of  Parliament,  but  suppressed 
in  embryo  by  the  hasty  step  of  events,  which 
warned  them  to  be  a little  cautious.” 

One  can  hardly  be  surprised  that  this  Jefferson- 
ian “ leap  was  too  long,  as  yet,  for  the  mass  of 
our  citizens,”  and  that  “ tamer  sentiments  were 
preferred  ” by  the  convention.  Jefferson  himself 
frankly  admitted,  many  years  afterward,  that  the 
preference  was  wise.  But  his  colleagues  so  well 
liked  a boldness  somewhat  in  excess  of  their  own, 
that  six  months  later,  in  view  of  the  chance  of 
Peyton  Eandolph  being  called  away  from  service 
in  the  Colonial  Congress,  they  elected  Jefferson  as  ^ 
a deputy  to  fill  the  vacancy  in  case  it  should  occur. 
Not  many  weeks  later  it  did  occur.  But  Jefferson 
was  detained  for  a short  time  in  order  to  draw  the 
reply  of  the  burgesses  to  the  celebrated  “concil- 
iatory proposition,”  or  so-called  “ olive  branch,” 
of  Lord  North.  Otherwise  it  was  “ feared  that 
Mr.  Nicholas,  whose  mind  was  not  yet  up  to  the 
mark  of  the  times,”  would  undertake  it.  On  June 
10,  1775,  the  burgesses  accepted  Jefferson’s  draft 


22 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


“ with  long  and  doubtful  scruples  from  Nicholas 
and  Mercer,”  only  making  some  slight  amendments 
which  Jefferson  described  as  “ throwing  a dash  of 
cold  water  on  it  here  and  there,  enfeebling  it  some- 
what.” The  day  after  its  passage  Jefferson  set 
forth  to  take  his  seat  in  Congress,  hearing  with 
him  the  document,  which  had  been  anxiously  ex- 
pected by  that  body  as  being  the  earliest  reply 
from  any  colony  to  the  ministerial  proposition.  Its 
closing  paragraph  referred  the  matter  for  ultimate 
action  to  the  general  congress. 


# 


CHAPTER  III 


IN  CONGRESS 

Jefferson  arrived  in  Philadelphia  on  the  tenth 
day  of  his  journey,  and  on  June  21  became  one  of 
that  assembly  concerning  which  Lord  Chatham 
truly  said  that  its  members  had  never  been  ex- 
celled “ in  solidity  of  reasoning,  force  of  sagacity, 
and  wisdom  of  conclusion.”  Jefferson,  at  the  age 
of  thirty-two,  was  among  the  younger  deputies  1 in 
a body  which,  by  the  aid  of  Dr.  Franklin,  aged 
seventy-one,  and  Edward  Rutledge,  aged  twenty- 
six,  represented  all  the  adult  generations  of  the 
country.  He  brought  with  him  a considerable 
reputation  as  a ready  and  eloquent  writer,  and  was 
justly  expected,  by  his  counsel,  his  pen,  and  his 
vote,  to  bring  substantial  reinforcement  to  the 
more  advanced  party.  In  debate,  however,  not 
much  was  to  be  anticipated  from  him,  for  he  was 
never  able  to  talk  even  moderately  well  in  a delib- 
erative body.  Not  only  was  his  poor  voice  an  im- 
pediment, but  he  was  a man  who  instinctively 
abhorred  contest.  Daringly  as  he  wrote,  yet  he 

1 Not,  as  he  himself  with  wonted  inaccuracy  says,  “the  young- 
est man  hut  one  ; ” for  besides  Edward  Rutledge,  horn  in  1749, 
there  was  also  John  Jay,  bom  in  1745. 


24 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


shrank  from  that  contention  which  pitted  him  face 
to  face  against  another,  though  the  only  weapons 
were  the  “ winged  words  ” of  parliamentary  argu- 
mentation. Turmoil  and  confusion  he  detested  ; 
amid  wrangling  and  disputing  he  preferred  to  be 
silent ; it  was  in  conversation,  in  the  committee- 
room,  and  preeminently  when  he  had  pen,  ink,  and 
paper  before  him,  that  he  amply  justified  his  pre- 
sence among  the  threescore  chosen  ones  of  the  thir- 
teen colonies.  In  his  appropriate  depai'tment  he 
quickly  superseded  Jay  as  document- writer  to  Con- 
gress. 

Yet  his  first  endeavor  did  not  point  to  this  dis- 
tinction. When  news  of  the  fight  at  Bunker’s 
Hill  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  Congress  felt  obliged 
to  publish  a manifesto  setting  before  the  world  the 
justification  of  this  now  bloody  rebellion.  Jeffer- 
son, as  a member  of  the  committee,  undertook  to 
draw  the  paper  ; but  he  made  it  much  too  vigor- 
ous for  the  conciliatory  and  anxious  temper  of 
Dickinson ; so  that,  partly  out  of  regard  for  this 
courteous  and  popular  gentleman,  partly  from  a 
politic  desire  not  to  outstrip  too  far  the  slower 
ranks,  Jefferson’s  sheets  were  submitted  to  Dick- 
inson himself  for  revision.  Not  content  with  mod- 
ification, that  reluctant  patriot  prepared  an  entire 
substitute  which  was  reported  and  accepted.  But 
its  closing  four  and  one  half  clauses  were  borrowed 
from  the  draft  of  Jefferson,  whose  admirers  think 
that  these  alone  save  the  document  from  being 
altogether  feeble  and  inadequate.  Among  them 


IN  CONGRESS 


25 


were  tlie  following  significant  words  : “We  mean 
not  to  dissolve  that  union  which  has  so  long  and 
so  happily  subsisted  between  us,  and  which  we  sin- 
cerely wish  to  see  restored.  Necessity  has  not  yet 
[note  the  pregnant  word]  driven  us  into  that  de- 
sperate measure.”  1 

A month  afterward  Jefferson  had  better  luck 
with  his  composition.  He  was  second  on  the  com- 
mittee — of  which  the  members  were  chosen  by 
ballot  and  took  rank  according  to  the  number  of 
votes  received  by  them  respectively  — deputed  to 
draw  the  reply  of  Congress  to  Lord  North’s  “ con- 
ciliatory proposition.”  He  based  his  paper  on  the 
reply  already  drawn  by  him  for  the  Virginian  bur- 
gesses, and  was  gratified  by  seeing  it  readily  ac- 
cepted. A few  days  later  Congress  adjourned,  and 
Jefferson  resumed  his  seat  and  duties  in  the  state 
convention,  by  which  he  was  at  once  reelected  to 
Congress,  this  time  standing  third  on  the  list  of 
delegates. 

Much  time  has  been  wasted  in  idle  efforts  to 
determine  precisely  when  and  by  whom  the  idea 
of  separation  and  consequent  independence  of  the 

1 The  authorship  of  these  closing  paragraphs  has  been  denied 
to  Jefferson  and  attributed  to  Dickinson.  But  the  evidence 
would  establish  only  a small  measure  of  probability  in  favor  of 
Dickinson,  if  it  stood  wholly  uneontradicted ; and  it  utterly  fails 
to  meet  and  control  Jefferson’s  direct  assertion,  made  in  his  Auto- 
biography, p.  11,  that  these  words  were  retained  from  his  own 
draft.  The  anxiety  to  claim  them  for  Dickinson  shows  the  com- 
parative estimation  in  which  they  are  held.  See  Magazine  of 
Amer.  Hist.  viii.  514. 


26 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


provinces  was  first  broached  before  the  Colonial 
Congress.  The  inquiry  is  useless  for  many  rea- 
sons, but  conclusively  so  because  all  the  evidence 
which  the  world  is  ever  likely  to  see  has  been 
already  adduced,  and  has  not  sufficed  to  remove 
the  question  out  of  the  domain  of  discussion.  The 
truth  is  that,  while  no  intelligent  man  could  help 
contemplating  this  probable  conclusion,  all  depre- 
cated it,  many  with  more  of  anxiety  than  resolu- 
tion, but  not  a few  with  a more  daring  spirit.  In 
varying  moods  any  person  might  have  different 
feelings  on  different  days.  In  his  habitual  frame 
of  mind  Jefferson  thought  separation  to  be  daily 
approaching,  and  in  the  near  presence  of  so  mo- 
mentous an  event  he  was  so  far  grave  and  dubious 
as  to  express  a strong  disinclination  for  it,  though 
avowedly  preferring  it  with  all  its  possible  train  of 
woes  to  a continuance  of  the  present  oppression. 
He  was  too  thoughtful  not  to  be  a reluctant  revolu- 
tionist, but  for  the  same  reason  he  was  sure  to  be 
a determined  one.  His  relative,  John  Randolph, 
attorney-general  of  the  colony,  was  a loyalist,  and 
in  the  summer  of  1775  was  about  to  remove  to 
England.  Jefferson  wrote  him  a friendly,  serious 
letter,  suggesting  some  considerations  which  he 
hoped  that  Randolph  might  have  opportunity  to 
lay  before  the  English  government,  advantageously 
for  both  parties.  He  deprecates  the  present  “ con- 
tention” and  the  “continuance  of  confusion,”  which 
for  him  constitute,  “ of  all  states  but  one , the  most 
horrid.”  He  says  that  England 


IN  CONGRESS 


27 


“would  be  certainly  unwise,  by  trying  the  event  of 
another  campaign,  to  risk  our  accepting  a foreign  aid, 
which  perhaps  may  not  be  obtainable  but  on  condition 
of  everlasting  avulsion  from  Great  Britain.  This  would 
be  thought  a hard  condition  to  those  who  still  wish  for 
a reunion  with  their  parent  country.  I am  sincerely 
one  of  those,  and  would  rather  be  in  dependence  on 
Great  Britain,  properly  limited,  than  on  any  other  nation 
on  earth,  or  than  on  no  nation.  But  I am  one  of  those, 
too,  who,  rather  than  submit  to  the  rights  of  legislating 
for  us  assumed  by  the  British  Parliament,  and  which  late 
experience  has  shown  they  will  so  cruelly  exercise,  would 
lend  my  hand  to  sink  the  whole  island  in  the  ocean.” 

This  was  written  August  25,  1775  ; three  months 
later  he  wrote,  with  a perceptible  increase  of  feel- 
ing : — 

“It  is  an  immense  misfortune  to  the  whole  empire  to 
have  a king  of  such  a disposition  at  such  a time.  . . . 
In  an  earlier  part  of  this  contest  our  petitions  told  him 
that  from  our  King  there  was  but  one  appeal.  The  ad- 
monition was  despised  and  that  appeal  forced  on  us.  To 
undo  his  empire,  he  has  but  one  truth  more  to  learn,  — 
that,  after  colonies  have  drawn  the  sword,  there  is  but 
one  step  more  they  can  take.  That  step  is  now  pressed 
upon  us  by  the  measures  adopted,  as  if  they  were  afraid 
we  would  not  take  it.  Believe  me,  dear  sir,  there  is  not 
in  the  British  Empire  a man  who  more  cordially  loves  a 
union  with  Great  Britain  than  I do.  But  by  the  God 
that  made  me,  I will  cease  to  exist  before  I yield  to 
a connection  on  such  terms  as  the  British  Parliament 
proposes ; and  in  this  I think  I speak  the  sentiments 
of  America.  We  want  neither  inducement  nor  power  to 


28 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


declare  and  assert  a separation.  It  is  will  alone  tliat  is 
wanting,  and  that  is  growing  apace  under  the  fostering 
hand  of  our  King.  One  bloody  campaign  will  probably 
decide,  everlastingly,  our  future  course ; and  I am  sorry 
to  find  a bloody  campaign  is  decided  on.” 

In  the  autumn  of  1775  Jefferson  was  again  at- 
tending Congress  in  Philadelphia;  early  in  1776 
he  came  home ; but  on  May  13,  1776,  he  was  back 
in  his  seat  as  a delegate  from  the  Colony,  soon  to 
be  the  State,  of  Virginia.  Events,  which  ten  years 
ago  had  begun  a sort  of  glacial  movement,  slow 
and  powerful,  were  now  advancing  fast.  On  this 
side  of  the  Atlantic,  Thomas  Paine  had  sent  “ Com- 
mon Sense  ” abroad  among  the  people,  and  had 
stirred  them  profoundly.  Since  the  bloodshed  at 
Lexington  and  Charlestown,  Falmouth  had  been 
burned,  Norfolk  bombarded,  and  General  Wash- 
ington, concluding  triumphantly  the  leaguer  around 
Boston,  was  as  open  and  efficient  an  enemy  of  Eng- 
land as  if  he  had  been  a Frenchman  or  a Spaniard. 

It  was  time  to  transmute  him  from  a rebel  into 
a foreigner.  Nor  had  the  members  of  Congress 
any  chance  of  escaping  the  hangman’s  rope  unless 
this  alteration  could  be  accomplished  for  all  the 
colonists.  For  all  prominent  men,  alike  in  mili- 
tary and  in  civil  life,  it  was  now  independence  ox- 
destruction.  Virginia  instructed  her  delegates  to 
move  that  Congress  should  declare  “ the  United 
Colonies  fi-ee  and  independent  States,”  and  on 
June  7 Richard  Henry  Lee  offered  resolutions  ac- 
cordingly. In  debate  upon  these  on  June  8 and 


IN  CONGRESS 


29 


10,  it  appeared,  says  Jefferson,  that  certain  of  the 
colonies  “ were  not  yet  matured  for  falling  from 
the  parent  stem,  but  that  they  were  fast  advancing 
to  that  state.”  To  give  the  laggards  time  to  catch 
up  with  the  vanguard,  further  discussion  was  post- 
poned imtil  July  1.  But  to  prevent  loss  of  time, 
when  debate  should  be  resumed,  Congress  on  June 
11  appointed  a committee  charged  to  prepare  a 
Declaration  of  Independence,  so  that  it  might  be 
ready  at  once  when  it  should  be  wanted.  The 
members,  in  the  order  of  choice  by  ballot,  were : 
Thomas  Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin, Roger  Sherman,  and  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

For  the  last  hundred  years  one  of  the  first  facts 
taught  to  any  child  of  American  birth  is,  that 
J eff erson  wrote . the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
The  original  draft  in  his  handwriting  was  afterward 
deposited  in  the  State  Department.  It  shows  two 
or  three  trifling  alterations,  interlined  in  the  hand- 
writings of  Franklin  and  Adams.  Otherwise  it 
came  before  Congress  precisely  as  Jefferson  wrote 
it.  Many  years  afterward  John  Adams  gave  an 
account  of  the  way  in  which  Jefferson  came  to  be 
the  composer  of  this  momentous  document,  differ- 
ing^slightly  from  the  story  told  by  Jefferson.  But 
the  variance  is  immaterial,  hardly  greater  than  any 
experienced  lawyer  would  expect  to  find  between 
the  testimony  of  two  honest  witnesses  to  any  trans- 
action, especially  when  given  after  the  lapse  of 
many  years,  and  when  one  at  least  had  no  memo- 
randa for  refreshing  his  memory.  Jefferson’s  state- 


30 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ment  seems  the  better  entitled  to  credit,  and  what 
little  corroboration  is  to  be  obtained  for  either  nar- 
rator is  wholly  in  his  favor.  He  says  simply  that 
when  the  committee  came  together  he  was  pressed 
by  his  colleagues  unanimously  to  undertake  the 
draft ; that  he  did  so  ; that,  when  he  had  prepared 
it,  he  submitted  it  to  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  Adams, 
separately,  requesting  their  corrections,  “ which 
were  two  or  three  only  and  merely  verbal,”  “ inter- 
lined in  their  own  handwritings  ; ” that  the  report 
in  this  shape  was  adopted  by  the  committee,  and 
a “ fair  copy,”  written  out  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  was 
then  laid  before  Congress. 

A somewhat  more  interesting  discussion  concerns 
the  question,  how  Jefferson  came  to  be  named  first 
on  the  committee,  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  Lee,  to 
whom,  as  mover  of  the  resolution,  parliamentary 
etiquette  would  have  assigned  the  chairmanship. 
Many  explanations  have  been  given,  of  which  some 
at  least  appear  the  outgrowth  of  personal  likings 
and  dislikings.  It  is  certain  that  Jefferson  was 
not  only  preeminently  fitted  for  the  very  difficult 
task  of  this  peculiar  composition,  but  also  that  he 
was  a man  without  an  enemy.  His  abstinence 
from  any  active  share  in  debate  had  saved  him 
from  giving  irritation ; and  it  is  a truth  not  to  be 
concealed,  that  there  were  cabals,  bickerings,  heart- 
burnings, perhaps  actual  enmities,  among  the  mem- 
bers of  that  famous  body,  which,  grandly  as  it 
looms  up,  and  rightly  too,  in  the  mind’s  eye,  was 
after  all  composed  of  jarring  human  ingredients. 


IN  CONGRESS 


31 


It  was  well  believed  that  there  was  a faction  op- 
posed to  Washington,  and  it  was  generally  sus- 
pected that  irascible,  vain,  and  jealous  John  Adams, 
then  just  rising  from  the  ranks  of  the  people,  made 
in  this  matter  common  cause  with  the  aristocratic 
Virginian  Lees  against  their  fellow  countryman. 
Adams  frankly  says  that  he  himself  was  very  un- 
popular ; and  therefore  it  did  not  help  Lee  to  be 
his  friend.  Furthermore,  the  anti- Washingtonians 
were  rather  a clique  or  faction  than  a party,  and 
were  greatly  outnumbered.  Jay,  too,  had  his  little 
private  pique  against  Lee.  So  it  is  likely  enough 
that  a timely  illness  of  Lee’s  wife  was  a fortunate 
excuse  for  passing  him  by,  and  that  partly  by  rea- 
son of  admitted  aptitude,  partly  because  no  risk 
could  be  run  of  any  interference  of  personal  feel- 
ings in  so  weighty  a matter,  Jefferson  was  placed 
first  on  the  committee  with  the  natural  result  of 
doing  the  bulk  of  its  labor. 

On  July  1,  pursuant  to  assignment,  Congress, 
in  committee  of  the  whole,  resumed  consideration 
of  Mr.  Lee’s  resolution,  and  carried  it  by  the  votes 
of  nine  colonies.  South  Carolina  and  Pennsylvania 
voted  against  it.  The  two  delegates  from  Delaware 
were  divided.  Those  from  New  York  said  that  per- 
sonally they  were  in  favor  of  it  and  believed  their 
constituents  to  be  so,  but  they  were  hampered  by 
instructions  drawn  a twelvemonth  since  and  strictly 
forbidding  any  action  obstructive  of  reconciliation, 
which  was  then  still  desired.  The  committee  re- 
ported, and  then  Edward  Rutledge  moved  an  ad- 


32 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


journment  to  the  next  day,  when  his  colleagues, 
though  disapproving  the  resolution,  would  prob- 
ably join  in  it  for  the  sake  of  unanimity.  This 
motion  was  carried,  and  on  the  day  following  the 
South  Carolinians  were  found  to  be  converted ; 
also  a third  member  “ had  come  post  from  the 
Delaware  counties  ” and  caused  the  vote  of  that 
colony  to  be  given  with  the  rest ; Pennsylvania 
changed  her  vote  ; and  a few  days  later  the  con- 
vention of  New  York  approved  the  resolution, 
“ thus  supplying  the  void  occasioned  by  the  with- 
drawing of  her  delegates  from  the  vote.” 

On  the  same  day,  July  2,  the  House  took  up  Mr. 
Jefferson’s  draft  of  the  Declaration,  and  debated 
it  during  that  and  the  following  day  and  until  a 
late  hour  on  July  4.  Many  verbal  changes  were 
made,  most  of  which  were  conducive  to  closer  ac- 
curacy of  statement,  and  were  improvements.  Two 
or  three  substantial  amendments  were  made  by  the 
omission  of  passages  ; notably  there  was  stricken 
out  a passage  in  which  George  III.  was  denounced 
for  encouraging  the  slave  trade.  It  was  thought 
disingenuous  to  attack  him  for  tolerating  a traffic 
conducted  by  Northern  shipowners  and  sustained 
by  Southern  purchasers,  though  it  was  true  that 
sundry  attempts  of  the  Southern  colonies  to  check 
it  by  legislation  had  been  brought  to  naught  by  the 
king’s  refusal  or  neglect  to  ratify  the  enactments. 
Congress  also  struck  out  the  passage  in  which  Jef- 
ferson declared  that  the  hiring  of  foreign  mercena- 
ries by  the  English  must  “ bid  us  renounce  forever 


IN  CONGRESS 


33 


these  unfeeling  brethren,”  and  cause  us  to  “ en- 
deavor to  forget  our  former  love  for  them,  and 
hold  them  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies 
in  war,  in  peace  friends.”  It  was  thought  better 
to  say  nothing  which  could  be  construed  as  an  an- 
imadversion on  the  English  people.  No  interpo- 
lation of  any  consequence  was  made. 

Jefferson  had  ample  cause  to  congratulate  him- 
self upon  this  event  of  the  discussion.  While  it 
was  in  progress  and  his  paper  was  undergoing 
sharp  criticism  during  nearly  three  days,  he  felt 
far  from  cheerful.  He  himself  spoke  not  a word 
in  the  debate,  partly,  perhaps,  from  a sense  of  in- 
capacity to  hold  his  own  in  so  strenuous  a contest^ 
of  tongues,  but  also  deeming  it  a “ duty  to  be  . . . 
a passive  auditor  of  the  opinions  of  others,  more 
impartial  judges.”  Dr.  Franklin  sat  by  him,  and, 
seeing  him  “ -writhing  a little  under  the  acrimoni- 
ous criticisms  on  some  of  its  parts,”  told  him,  “ by 
way  of  comfort,”  the  since  famous  story  of  the 
sign  of  John  Thompson,  the  hatter.  The  burden 
of  argument,  from  which  Jefferson  wisely  shrank, 
was  gallantly  borne  by  John  Adams,  whom  Jeffer- 
son gratefully  called  “ the  colossus  of  that  debate.” 
Jefferson  used  afterward  to  take  pleasure  in  tinge- 
ing  the  real  solemnity  of  the  occasion  with  a color- 
ing of  the  ludicrous.  The  debate,  he  said,  seemed 
as  though  it  might  run  on  interminably,  and  prob- 
ably would  have  done  so  at  a different  season  of 
the  year.  But  the  weather  was  oppressively  warm 
and  the  room  occupied  by  the  deputies  was  hard 


34 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


by  a stable,  whence  the  hungry  flies  swarmed  thick 
and  fierce,  alighting  on  the  legs  of  the  delegates 
and  biting  hard  through  their  thin  silk  stockings. 
Treason  was  preferable  to  discomfort,  and  the 
members  voted  for  the  Declaration  and  hastened 
to  the  table  to  sign  it  and  escape  from  the  horse- 
fly. John  Hancock,  making  his  great  familiar 
signature,  jestingly  said  that  John  Bull  could  read 
that  without  spectacles  ; then,  becoming  more  seri- 
ous, began  to  impi’ess  on  his  comrades  the  neces- 
sity of  their  “ all  hanging  together  in  this  matter.” 
“ Yes,  indeed,”  interrupted  Franklin,  “ we  must 
all  hang  together,  or  assuredly  we  shall  all  hang 
^separately.”  “ When  it  comes  to  the  hanging,” 
said  Harrison,  the  “luxurious  heavy  gentleman” 
from  Virginia,  to  the  little  meagre  Gerry  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, “ I shall  have  the  advantage  of  you  ; it 
will  be  all  over  with  me,  long  before  you  have  done 
kicking  in  the  air.”  Amid  such  trifling,  concealing 
grave  thoughts,  Jefferson  saw  his  momentous  docu- 
ment signed  at  the  close  of  that  summer  afternoon  ; 
he  had  acted  as  undertaker  for  the  royal  colonies 
and  as  midwife  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

It  is  a work  of  supererogation  to  criticise  a 
paper  with  which  seventy  millions  of  people  are 
to-day  as  familiar  as  with  the  Lord’s  Prayer.  The 
faults  which  it  has  are  chiefly  of  style  and  are  due 
to  the  spirit  of  those  times,  a spirit  bold,  energetic, 
sensible,  independent,  in  action  the  very  best,  but 
in  talk  and  writing  much  too  tolerant  of  broad  and 
high-sounding  generalization.  John  Adams  and 


IN  CONGRESS 


35 


Pickering  long  afterward,  when  they  had  come 
to  hate  Jefferson  as  a sort  of  political  arch-fiend, 
blamed  it  for  lack  of  originality.  Every  idea  in 
it,  they  said,  had  become  “ hackneyed  ” and  was 
to  be  found  in  half  a dozen  earlier  expressions  of 
public  opinion.  The  assertion  was  equally  true, 
absurd,  and  malicious.  No  intelligent  man  could 
suppose  that  the  Americans  had  been  concerned  in 
a rebellious  discussion  for  years,  and  engaged  in 
actual  war  for  months,  without  having  fully  com- 
prehended the  princqfles,  the  causes,  and  the  justi- 
fication on  which  their  conduct  was  based.  It  was 
preposterous  to  demand  new  discoveries  in  these 
particulars.  Had  such  been  possible,  they  would 
have  been  undesirable  ; it  would  have  been  extreme 
folly  for  Jefferson  to  open  new  and  unsettling  dis- 
cussions at  this  late  date.  Of  this  charge  against 
his  production  Jefferson  said,  with  perfect  wisdom 
and  fairness,  “ I did  not  consider  it  as  any  part  of 
my  charge  to  invent  new  ideas  altogether  and  to 
offer  no  sentiment  which  had  ever  been  expressed 
before.” 

The  statement  that  all  men  are  created  “ equal  ” 
has  been  declared  liable  to  misconstruction ; but 
no  intelligent  man  has  ever  misconstrued  it,  unless 
intentionally.  So  the  criticism  may  be  disregarded 
as  trivial.  Professor  Tucker  justly  remarks  of  the 
whole  paper  that  it  is  “ consecrated  in  the  affec- 
tions of  Americans,  and  praise  may  seem  as  super- 
fluous as  censure  would  be  unavailing.” 


CHAPTER  IV 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES 

Jefferson  was  reelected  to  Congress  on  June 
20,  1776,  but  declined  to  serve.  At  the  time  he 
assigned  as  his  reason  “ the  situation  of  his  do- 
mestic affairs  ” and  “ private  causes,”  into  which 
“ the  delicacy  of  the  House  would  not  require  him 
to  enter  minutely.”  Many  years  afterward  he  de- 
clared a different  motive  : “ When  I left  Congress^ 
in  1776,  it  was  in  the  persuasion  that  our  whole 
code  must  be  reviewed  and  adapted  to  our  repub- 
lican form  of  government,  and  now  that  we  had 
no  negative  of  councils,  governors,  and  kings,  to 
restrain  us  from  doing  right,  that  it  should  be  cor- 
rected in  all  its  parts,  with  a single  eye  to  reason 
and  the  good  sense  of  those  for  whose  government 
it  was  framed.”  “ I knew  that  our  legislation, 
under  the  regal  government,  had  many  very  vicious 
points  which  urgently  required  reformation,  and  I 
thought  I could  be  of  more  use  in  forwarding  that 
work.” 

The  ex-colonies  reorganized  themselves  in  the 
shape  of  independent  states  very  readily.  On 
August  13,  1777,  Jefferson  wrote  to  Franklin  thart, 
“ with  respect  to  the  State  of  Virginia,  . . . the 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  37 


people  seemed  to  have  laid  aside  the  monarchical, 
and  taken  up  the  republican,  government  with  as 
much  ease  as  would  have  attended  their  throwing 
off  an  old  and  putting  on  a new  suit  of  clothes, 
w e are  at  present  in  the  complete  and  quiet  exer- 
cise of  well-organized  government.”  Times  which 
made  this  transfiguration  so  easy  were  naturally 
ripe  for  other  changes  also?  It  was  the  era  of 
revolution,  of  destruction  and  re-creation,  in  orderly 
fashion  to  be  sure,  so  far  as  possible ; but  still  the 
temper  of  the  hour  was  favorable  for  a general 
revision  of  all  the  established  laws  and  forms  of 
society.  The  people  were  like  a ploughed  field  in 
which  the  political  sower  might  scatter  broadcast 
new  ideas  and  innovating  doctrines  with  fair  hope 
of  an  early  harvest.  Jefferson,  reformer  and  rad- 
ical by  nature,  instinctively  knew  his  opportunity 
and  went  forth  zealously  to  this  task.  Certainly 
he  cast  strong  and  wholesome  seed,  and  with  lib- 
eral hand,  into  the  ready  social  furrows  around 
him.  Much  of  his  planting  struck  root  at  once  ; 
much  more  lay  in  the  ground  for  a long  period,  so 
that  it  was  ten  years  before  some  of  the  bills  intro- 
duced by  him  during  the  two  years  of  his  service 
were  actually  passed  into  laws ; only  a little,  unfor- 
tunately, never  fructified.  The  results  of  his  labor 
changed  not  only  the  surface  but  the  fundamental 
strata  of  the  social  and  economical  system  of  Vir- 
ginia. Of  course  he  did  not  accomplish  so  much 
without  assistance.  George  Mason,  George  Wythe, 
and  Madison,  then  a “ new  member  and  young,” 


38 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


were  efficient  coadjutors.  But  they  were  coadjutors 
and  lieutenants  only;  Jefferson  was  the  principal 
and  the  leader. 

On  October  7,  1776,  he  took  his  seat  in  the 
House  of  Delegates  and  at  once  was  placed  on 
many  committees.  On  October  11  he  obtained 
lea^e  to  bring  in  a bill  establishing  courts  of  jus- 
tice throughout  the  new  State.  On  the  next  day 
he  obtained  leave  to  bring  in  a bill  to  enable  ten- 
ants in  tail  to  convey  entailed  property  in  fee 
simple.  Two  days  later  he  reported  a bill  doing 
away  with  the  whole  system  of  entail.  It  was  an 
audacious  move.  From  generation  to  generation 
lands  and  slaves  — almost  the  only  valuable  kinds 
of  property  in  Virginia — had  been  handed  down 
protected  against  creditors,  even  against  the  very 
extravagance  of  spendthrift  owners  ; and  it  was 
largely  by  this  means  that  the  quasi-nobility  of  the 
colony  had  succeeded  in  establishing  and  maintain- 
ing itself.  A great  groan  seemed  to  go  up  from 
all  respectable  society  at  the  terrible  suggestion 
of  Jefferson,  a suggestion  daringly  cast  before  an 
Assembly  thickly  sprinkled  with  influential  dele- 
gates who  were  bound  by  family  ties  and  self-inter- 
est to  defend  the  present  system.  Records  of  the 
times  fail  to  explain  the  sudden  and  surprising  suc- 
cess of  a reform  which  there  was  every  reason  to 
suppose  could  be  carried  through  only  very  slowly 
and  by  desperate  contests  ; we  know  little  more 
than  the  strange  fact  that  the  whole  system  of 
entail  in  Virginia  crashed  to  pieces  almost  literally 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  39 


in  a day,  carrying  with  it  an  “ aristocracy  ” some- 
what brummagem,  but  the  only  one  which  has  ever 
existed  in  the  territory  now  of  the  United  States. 

The  cognate  principle  of  primogeniture  followed, 
assailed  by  the  same  vigorous  hand.  At  least,  im- 
plored Pendleton,  if  the  eldest  son  may  no  longer 
inherit  all  the  lands  and  the  slaves  of  his  father, 
let  him  take  a double  share.  No,  said  Jefferson, 
the  leveler,  not  till  he  can  eat  a double  allowance 
of  food  and  do  a double  allowance  of  work.  So 
an  equal  distribution  of  property  was  established 
among  the  children  of  intestates ; and  though  any 
one  might  still  prefer  by  will  an  eldest  son,  yet 
the  effect  of  the  law  upon  public  opinion  was  so 
great  that  all  distinctions  of  this  kind  rapidly 
faded  away. 

Thus  was  a great  social  revolution  wrought  in  a 
few  months  by  one  man.  In  his  grandiose,  human- 
itarian, self -laudatory  vein,  Jefferson  afterward 
wrote  that  his  purpose  was,  “ instead  of  an  aris- 
tocracy of  wealth,  of  more  harm  and  danger  than 
benefit  to  society,  to  make  an  opening  for  the  aris- 
tocracy of  virtue  and  talent,  which  nature  has 
wisely  provided  for  the  direction  of  the  interests 
of  society,  and  scattered  with  equal  hand  through 
all  its  conditions.”  But  his  brilliant  triumph  cost 
him  a price.  That  distinguished  class,  whose  ex- 
istence as  a social  caste  had  been  forever  destroyed, 
reviled  the  destroyer  from  this  time  forth  with 
relentless  animosity  ; and,  even  to  the  second  and 
third  generations,  the  descendants  of  many  of  these 


40 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


patrician  families  vindictively  cursed  the  statesman 
who  had  placed  them  on  a level  with  the  rest  of 
their  countrymen. 

Jefferson’s  next  important  assault  was  upon  the 
Established  Church.  Jefferson’s  religious  views 
have  given  no  small  trouble  to  his  biographers, 
who  have  been  at  much  pains  to  make  him  out  a 
sound  Christian  in  the  teeth  of  many  charges  of 
free-thinking.  There  is  little  evidence  to  show 
what  his  belief  was  at  this  period  of  his  life.  Cer- 
tainly he  did  not  flout  or  openly  reject  Christian- 
ity ; not  improbably  he  had  a liberal  tolerance  for 
its  tenets  rather  than  any  profound  faith  in  them. 
On  August  10,  1787,  in  a letter  of  advice  to  his 
young  ward,  Peter  Carr,  he  dwelt  upon  religion  at 
much  length,  telling  Carr  to  examine  the  question 
independently.  He  added  instructions  so  colorless 
that  they  resemble  the  charge  of  a carefully  impar- 
tial judge  to  a jury.  But  in  this  especial  matter 
labored  impartiality  usually  signifies  a negative 
prejudice.  At  least  Jefferson  showed  that  he  did 
not  regard  Christianity  as  so  established  a truth 
that  it  was  to  be  asserted  dogmatically,  and  though 
he  so  cautiously  seeks  to  conceal  his  own  bias,  yet 
one  instinctively  feels  that  this  letter  was  not  writ- 
ten by  a believer.  Had  he  believed,  in  the  proper 
sense  of  the  word,  he  would  have  been  unable  to 
place  a very  young  man  midway  between  the  two 
doors  of  belief  and  unbelief,  setting  both  wide 
open,  and  furnishing  no  indication  as  to  which  led 
to  error.  Yet,  as  any  inference  may  possibly  be 


AGAIN  IN  THE  ftoUSE  OF  BURGESSES  41 


wrong,  it  is  perhaps  safer  to  admit  that  the  prob- 
lem of  his  present  faith  or  unfaith  is  not  surely 
soluble,  and  to  rest  content  with  saying  — what 
alone  is  now  necessary  — that  he  certainly  viewed 
with  just  abhorrence  the  mediaeval  condition  of 
religious  legislation  in  Virginia  in  1777. 

He  set  about  the  task  of  clearing  away  this  dead 
wood  no  less  vigorously  and  extensively  than  he 
had  hewed  at  the  obstructive  social  timbers.  But, 
strange  to  say,  the  apparently  sapless  limbs  gave 
the  stouter  resistance.  He  aimed  at  complete  re- 
ligious freedom,  substantially  such  as  now  exists 
throughout  the  United  States ; hut  he  was  able 
only  to  induce  a legislature,  in  which  churchmen 
largely  predominated,  to  take  some  initial  steps  in 
that  direction.  Yet  the  impetus  which  he  gave, 
refreshed  by  others  during  a few  succeeding  years, 
at  last  brought  the  law-makers  to  the  goal,  so  that 
in  1786  the  full  length  of  his  reform  was  reached 
and  his  original  “ bill  for  establishing  religious 
freedom  ” was  passed,  with  immaterial  amend- 
ments. 

Here  again  it  is  to  be  said  that  Jefferson  was  in 
that  position  in  which  alone  he  ever  won  success  ; 
he  was  the  mouthpiece  of  multitudes  too  numerous 
not  to  be  heard,  the  leader  of  a popular  movement 
too  massive  to  he  obstructed.  The  majority  of 
citizens  were  dissenters  from  the  established  Epis- 
copal Church,  and  were  resolved  no  longer  to  con-  , 
tribute  of  their  funds  for  its  support.  Jefferson 
says  that  “ the  first  republican  legislature  . . • 


42 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


was  crowded  with  petitions  to  abolish  this  spiritual 
tyranny.”  This  fact  gave  him  the  strength  that 
he  needed.  He  only  required,  but  he  always  did 
require,  that  confidence  and  inspiration  which 
came  to  him  from  the  sense  of  having  at  his  back 
largely  superior  numbers : it  mattered  not  that 
they  were  ignorant,  so  that  they  were  much  the 
greater  number.  It  is  impossible  to  imagine  Jef- 
ferson combating  a popular  error,  controlling  a 
mistaken  people,  encountering  a great  clamor  of 
the  masses.  From  these  earliest  days  of  his  pub- 
lic career  we  find  him  always  moving  and  feeling 
with  the  huge  multitude,  catching  with  sensitive 
ear  the  deep  mutterings  of  its  will,  long  before  the 
inarticulate  sound  was  intelligible  to  others  in  high 
places,  encouraged  by  its  later  and  hoarser  outcry, 
gathering  his  force  and  power  from  its  presence, 
his  incentive  and  persistence  from  its  laudation. 

Almost  immediately  after  taking  his  seat  among 
the  delegates,  Jefferson  had  been  placed  at  the 
head  of  a committee  of  five,  charged  with  the  gen- 
eral revision  of  all  the  laws  of  Virginia.  It  was 
an  enormous  task,  of  which  he  did  much  more 
than  his  just  share.  Some  of  the  legislation  re- 
ferred to  in  the  preceding  pages  found  its  place 
in  the  report  of  this  committee.  Other  important 
matters,  also  included  in  the  same  report,  can  only 
be  mentioned.  The  seat  of  government  was  re- 
moved from  the  commercial  metropolis  of  Wil- 
liamsburg to  the  small  but  central  village  of  Rich- 
mond. The  like  principle  has  since  prevailed  in 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  43 


tlie  selection  of  much  the  largest  proportion  of  our 
state  capitals.  A bill  for  promoting  the  prompt 
naturalization  of  foreigners  gave  form  to  the  sub- 
sequent practice  of  the  country  in  this  matter,  and 
was  onty  blameworthy  because  it  failed  to  protect 
against  a large  and  easy  admission  by  checks  of 
fitness  in  the  way  of  knowledge  and  intelligence. 
Like  much  of  Jefferson’s  work  it  was  too  demo- 
cratic, as  if  all  men  must  be  fit  for  all  things ; 
also,  like  some  of  his  work,  it  was  not  justified  by 
his  own  principles  declared  at  other  times  when 
his  thoughts  happened  to  be  taking  a different 
direction.  A code  of  punishment  for  crime  was 
drawn  up,  which  was  a vast  improvement  upon 
the  merciless  severity  of  preceding  laws,  but  which 
retained  to  an  unjustifiable  extent  and  against  the 
wishes  of  Jefferson  the  principle  of  retaliation. 
An  elaborate  school  system  was  also  devised  ; but 
the  narrow  prejudice  of  the  rich  planters  pre- 
vented it  from  ever  being  fully  adopted  and  pro- 
perly set  in  working  order. 

As  has  been  intimated,  this  mass  of  legislation, 
of  which  only  the  more  promiijent  portions  have 
been  mentioned,  was  not  all  enacted  during  the 
two  years  of  Jefferson’s  presence  in  the  House  of 
Delegates.  Much  of  it,  notably  in  the  criminal 
department,  lay  untouched  for  a long  time  ; but 
the  laws  reported  by  Jefferson  formed  a sort  of 
reservoir  from  which  the  legislature  drew  from 
time  to  time,  during  many  following  years,  so 
much  as  they  had  leisure  or  inclination  to  use.  It 


44 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


was  not  until  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  war 
that  leisure  was  found  really  to  finish  the  whole 
business.  But  when  at  last  the  end  was  reached, 
few  serious  alterations  had  been  made  ; and  though 
it  would  be  an  exaggeration  to  assert  that  by  1786- 
87  the  statute-book  of  Virginia  had  become  a Jef- 
fersonian code,  yet  it  is  within  the  truth  to  say 
that  the  impress  of  his  mind  was  in  every  part  of 
the  volume,  and  that  especially  the  social  legisla- 
tion was  due  chiefly  to  his  influence. 

Only  in  one  grave  matter  — gravest,  indeed,  of 
all — he  and  a few  humane  and  noble  coadjutors 
encountered  an  utter  defeat,  which  cost  Virginia  a 
great  price  of  retribution  in  years  thereafter.  This 
concerned  negro  slavery.  Though  Jefferson  did 
not,  like  his  friend  Wythe,  emancipate  his  own 
slaves,  yet  from  his  early  years  he  had  been 
strongly  opposed  to  slavery,  as  were  many  of  the 
best  and  wisest  Virginians  of  that  day.  Now  the 
committee  of  revisers,  pondering  deeply  on  this 
difficult  problem,  and  having  it  very  much  in  their 
hearts  to  cleanse  their  State  from  a malady  which 
they  foresaw  must  otherwise  prove  fatal,  contented 
themselves  in  the  first  instance  with  returning  in 
their  report  a “ mere  digest  of  the  existing  laws 
. . . without  any  intimation  of  a plan  for  a future 
and  genei’al  emancipation.  It  was  thought  better 
that  this  should  be  kept  back,  and  attempted  only 
by  way  of  amendment,  whenever  the  bill  should  be 
brought  on.  The  principles  of  the  amendment, 
however,  were  agreed  on,  that  is  to  say,  the  free- 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  45 


dom  of  all  born  after  a certain  day,  and  deporta- 
tion at  a proper  age.”  But  all  this  strategy  was 
of  no  avail.  “ It  was  found  that  the  public  mind 
would  not  yet  bear  the  proposition,  nor  will  it  bear 
it  even  to  this  day;  yet,”  continues  Jefferson,  writ- 
ing in  his  autobiography  in  1821,  “ the  day  is  not 
distant  when  it  must  bear  and  adopt  it,  or  worse 
will  follow.  Nothing  is  more  certainly  written  in 
the  book  of  fate  than  that  these  people  are  to  be 
free.”  How  fortunate  would  it  have  been  for  Vir- 
ginia could  she  have  been  persuaded  by  the  words 
spoken  by  her  son,  wise  beyond  his  time,  and  by 
his  fellow  prophets  in  this  great  cause ! 

Yet  when  one  examines  Jefferson’s  scheme  in  its 
details,  its  primordial  destiny  of  failure  becomes  at 
once  evident.  His  project  was  as  follows : All 
negroes  born  of  slave  parents  after  the  passing  of 
the  act  were  to  be  free,  but  to  a certain  age  were 
to  remain  with  their  parents,  and  were  “ then  to 
be  brought  up  at  the  public  expense  to  tillage, 
arts,  or  sciences,  according  to  their  geniuses,  till 
the  females  should  be  eighteen  and  the  males 
twenty-one'  vears  of  age,  when  they  should  be  colo- 
nized to  such  place  as  the  circumstances  of  the 
time  should  render  most  proper,  sending  them  out 
with  arms,  implements  of  household  and  of  the 
handicraft  arts,  seeds,  pairs  of  the  useful  domestic 
animals,  etc.”  The  United  States  were  then  “to 
declare  them  a free  and  independent  people,  and 
extend  to  them  our  alliance  and  protection,  till 
they  have  acquired  strength ; and  to  send  vessels 


46 


' THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


at  the  same  time  to  other  parts  of  the  world  for  an 
equal  number  of  white  inhabitants,  to  induce  whom 
to  migrate  hither  proper  encouragements  were  to 
be  proposed.” 

In  the  notion  that  such  a costly  and  elaborate 
scheme  might  be  carried  into  effect  we  get  a mani- 
festation of  the  most  dangerous  weakness  of  Jeffer- 
son’s mind.  His  visionary  tendency  would  thus 
often  get  the  better  of  his  shrewder  sense,  and  the 
line  of  demarcation  between  the  practicable  and  the 
impracticable  would  then  become  shadowy  or  wholly 
obliterated  for  him.  In  palliation  it  can  only  be 
remembered  that  he  lived  in  an  age  of  social  and 
political  theorizing,  and  that  he  was  a man  emi- 
nently characteristic  of  his  era,  sensitive  to  its  in- 
fluences and  broadly  reflecting  its  blunders  not  less 
than  its  wisdom. 

Probably  even  at  this  early  date  the  slavery 
problem  had  become  insoluble.  Certainly  Jeffer- 
son’s opinions  concerning  the  two  races  in  their 
possible  relations  towards  each  other  rendered  it 
insoluble  by  him.  His  observation  had  thoroughly 
convinced  him  of  a truth,  which  all  white  men  al- 
ways have  believed  and  probably  always  will  be- 
lieve in  the  private  depths  of  their  hearts,  that  the 
negro  is  inferior  to  the  white  in  mental  capacity. 
Yet,  if  this  were  so,  a measure  of  inferiority  much 
greater  than  any  one  ventured  to  insist  upon  would 
not  justify  the  enslavement  of  the  black  men.  It 
was  from  another  conviction  that  Jefferson’s  prac- 
tical difficulty  arose ; he  felt  sure  that  “ the  two 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  47 


races,  equally  free,  cannot  live  in  tlie  same  govern- 
ment.” The  attempt,  he  predicted,  would  “ divide 
Virginians  into  parties  and  produce  convulsions 
winch  would  probably  never  end  but  in  the  exter- 
mination of  the  one  or  the  other  race.”  Perhaps 
in  this  he  was  wrong.  Yet  holding  these  two  firm 
convictions,  it  is  impossible  to  see  what  better  plan 
he  could  have  adopted  than  that  which  he  did 
adopt,  impossible  though  it  was  of  execution.  At 
least  his  prescience  of  a condition  of  things  at 
which,  as  he  said,  “human  nature  must  shudder,” 
proves  his  social  and  political  foresight. 

In  connection  with  a topic  which  was  destined 
soon  to  become  so  important  in  the  history  of  the 
nation,  a few  words  may  be  pardoned,  though  they 
carry  us  for  a moment  away  from  the  subject  of 
the  Virginian  reforms.  Some  ten  years  later  Jef- 
ferson wrote  a letter  to  his  friend  M.  de  IV arville, 
of  Paris,  which  the  abolitionists  of  a subsequent 
generation  were  so  fond  of  quoting  that  they  made 
it  widely  known.  Therein  he  says : “ The  whole 
commerce  between  master  and  slave  is  a perpetual 
exercise  of  the  most  boisterous  passions  ; the  most 
unremitting  despotism  on  the  one  part  and  degrad- 
ing submissions  on  the  other.  Our  children  see 
this  and  learn  to  imitate  it.  With  the  morals  of 
the  people  their  industry  also  is  destroyed.  For  in 
a warm  climate  no  man  will  labor  for  himself  who 
can  make  another  labor  for  him.”  He  then  adds 
this  alarming  suggestion,  which  has  been  often 
repeated  since  his  day  : “ And  can  the  liberties  of 


48 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


a nation  be  thought  secure  when  we  have  removed 
their  only  firm  basis,  a conviction  in  the  minds  of 
the  people  that  these  liberties  are  of  the  gift  of 
God?  That  they  are  not  to  be  violated  but  with 
his  wrath  ? Indeed,  I tremble  for  my  country  when 
I reflect  that  God  is  just ; that  his  justice  cannot 
sleep  forever ; that,  considering  numbers,  nature 
and  natural  means  only,  a revolution  of  the  wheel  of 
fortune,  an  exchange  of  situation,  is  among  possible 
events ; that  it  may  become  probable  by  super- 
natural interference  ! The  Almighty  has  no  attri- 
bute which  can  take  side  with  us  iu  such  a contest.” 
This  letter  is  not  only  interesting  as  an  utterance 
of  Jefferson’s  views  concerning  slavery,  but  also  as 
an  indication  of  certain  of  his  characteristics.  It 
is  an  excellent  instance  of  the  way  in  which  his 
pen  was  very  apt  to  run  away  with  him.  The 
suggestion  by  a man  of  his  religious  opinions,  that 
it  might  be  reasonably  anticipated  that  God  would 
at  some  time  intervene  to  reverse  the  positions  of 
the  white  race  and  the  black  race,  shows  that  emo- 
tional tendency  which  often  led  him  into  utterances 
by  no  means  fit  to  encounter  criticism.  This  fan- 
ciful efflorescence  of  his  notion  that  the  two  races, 
equally  free,  could  not  exist  side  by  side,  was  not 
likely  seriously  to  alarm  men  of  practical  minds. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  letter  also  manifested  his 
prudence  in  action  in  sharp  contrast  with  his  ex- 
travagance in  speech.  For  he  declined  to  make 
what  might  prove  an  embarrassing  commitment 
by  joining  the  French  society  for  the  abolition  of 


AGAIN  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES  49 


the  slave  trade ; and  he  gave  only  the  very  thin 
excuse  that  “ the  influence  and  information  of  the 
friends  of  this  proposition  in  France  will  be  far 
above  the  need  of  my  association.”  Jefferson’s  en- 
thusiasm often  carried  him,  with  an  impetuous  rush, 
to  the  edge  of  personal  imprudence ; but  he  always 
stopped  short  at  the  line.  He  distinguished  with 
perfect  skill  and  self-control  between  extravagant 
words  and  ill-advised  acts.  In  reviewing  Jeffer- 
son’s position  as  to  slavery,  the  fair  conclusion 
seems  to  be  that  he  condemned  it  with  the  zeal 
of  one  who  was  offended  by  its  moral  evils  and  who 
feared  its  political  perils,  that  he  was  honest  in 
advising  his  fellow  citizens  to  enter  upon  a scheme 
of  abolition,  and  that  he  would  have  heartily  aided 
therein,  but  that  so  long  as  the  community  re- 
frained from  this  step  he,  as  an  individual,  did  not 
feel  called  upon  to  go  farther  than  an  occasional 
expression  of  his  views. 

One  practical  measure  he  did  carry.  Virginia, 
while  still  a colony, / ' had  made  many  efforts,  ren- 
dered futile  by  royal  obstruction,  to  stop  the  im- 
portation of  slaves.  In  1778,  “in  the  very  first 
session  held  under  the  republican  government,”  Jef- 
ferson introduced  a bill  for  this  purpose  which  was 
readily  passed  without  ojjposition.  With  this  he 
was  much  and  justly  pleased,  saying : “ It  will  in 
some  measure  stop  the  increase  of  this  great  politi- 
cal and  moral  evil,  while  the  minds  of  our  citizens 
may  be  ripening  for  a complete  emancipation  of 
human  nature.”  What  he  meant  by  this  vague 


50 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


and  absurd  phrase,  so  characteristic  of  his  habits 
of  expression,  it  is  not  easy  to  say,  and  for  the 
moment  one  almost  forgets  the  high  deserts  of 
the  reformer  in  irritation  at  his  chatter  about  “ the 
complete  emancipation  of  human  nature.’* 


CHAPTER  V 


GOVERNOR  OE  VIRGINIA 

Patrick  Henry,  first  governor  of  the  independ- 
ent State  of  Virginia,  served,  by  reelections,  three 
successive  years,  and  was  then,  by  the  Constitution, 
ineligible  for  another  term.  In  January,  1779,  the 
legislature  chose  Jefferson  to  succeed  him  on  the 
following  June  1.  The  honor  was  not  greatly  to 
he  coveted,  yet  Jefferson  found  a competitor  for  it 
in  the  friend  of  his  youth,  John  Page,  over  whom 
he  triumphed  by  a very  few  votes.  The  old  good 
feeling  between  the  two  contestants  was  very  cred- 
itably preserved  throughout  the  political  campaign, 
and  perhaps  by  the  time  Jefferson  left  office  he 
would  have  been  glad  if  Page  had  been  the  success- 
ful candidate,  and  Page  might  rejoice  at  the  oppo- 
site conclusion.  For  in  this  chapter  of  Jefferson’s 
life  the  task  of  his  biographers  has  been  to  encoun- 
ter the  widespread  impression  that  his  administra- 
tion was  disgracefully  inefficient.  Mr.  Randall 
especially  has  discussed  this  matter  elaborately, 
and  his  facts  and  arguments,  when  rescued  drip- 
ping from  the  sea  of  rhetoric  and  fine  wilting  in 
which  he  nearly  drowns  them,  appear  to  establish 
a satisfactory  defense.  Yet  a man  in  public  life 


52 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


does  not  achieve  a complete  success  when  he  can  be 
defended  against  charges  of  gross  incompetency; 
and  the  negative  assertion  that  Jefferson  did  not 
make  a bad  governor  is  by  no  means  equivalent  to 
the  positive  commendation  that  he  made  a really 
good  one.  The  truth  is  that  he  was  not  fitted  to 
be  a “ war  governor,”  and  though  he  did  as  well 
as  he  could,  he  did  not  do  so  well  as  some  others 
might  have  done. 

Until  very  nearly  the  close  of  Henry’s  third 
term,  Virginia  had  enjoyed  a happy  immunity 
from  invasion.  Otherwise,  however,  she  had  borne 
her  full  share  of  patriotic  burdens,  and  it  may  be 
imagined  that  the  willing  steed,  spurred  for  three 
years  by  so  hard  a rider  as  Henry,  was  somewhat 
breathless  and  exhausted  when  he  left  the  saddle. 
So,  indeed,  Jefferson  found  it.  Men,  horses,  and 
food,  Virginia  had  lavishly  given  ; also  arms  and 
money,  so  far  as  she  had  been  able.  At  last  the 
point  was  close  at  hand  at  which  further  contribu- 
tions involved  such  severe  suffering  that  they  must 
inevitably  come  slowly  and  reluctantly.  Neverthe- 
less Jefferson’s  sole  business  was  to  keep  the  stream 
still  flowing  and  replenished.  At  first  he  was  able 
to  do  surprisingly  well.  When  he  called  for  re- 
cruits for  Greene’s  army  in  the  Carolinas,  many 
farmers  came  gallantly  forward  from  the  already 
sorely  depleted  fields.  By  September,  1780,  there 
were  not  muskets  for  the  men  who  were  willing  to 
march  ; neither  a shilling  in  the  treasury  ; wagons 
and  horses  could  be  had  only  by  impressment,  a 


GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 


53 


hazardous  pressure  to  put  upon  a people  fighting 
for  freedom.  But  it  was  inevitable,  and  it  was 
applied  to  all  alike  ; a wagon,  a pair  of  horses, 
and  two  negro  drivers  were  taken  fi'om  Governor 
Jefferson's  own  farm.  A month  later  he  hopes 
the  new  levies  “ will  be  all  shod,”  and  cannot  say 
“ what  proportion  will  have  blankets,”  though  he 
is  purchasing  “ every  one  which  can  be  found  out ; 
there  is  a pi’ospect  of  furnishing  about  half  of 
them  with  tents.” 

It  was  a cruel  blow,  soon  after,  to  learn  that  a 
large  proportion  of  these  scarce  and  valuable  sup- 
plies were  destroyed  or  captured,  and  that  Corn- 
wallis, with  his  face  set  northward,  was  leading 
a victorious  army  towards  Virginia.  It  was  an 
almost  miraculous  good  fortune  which  checked  his 
march  a short  distance  from  the  border.  But  in 
the  moment  of  apprehension  Jefferson  was  bitterly 
blamed  for  having  uselessly  expended  Virginian 
resoui’ces  in  Carolina.  The  accusation  was  grossly 
unjust.  The  governor  had  been  perfectly  right  in 
sending  all  the  men  and  supplies  he  could  muster 
to  the  places  where  the  fighting  was  going  forward. 
How  else  was  the  war  to  be  maintained?  What 
better  course  could  be  devised,  not  only  for  secur- 
ing a general  and  ultimate  success,  but  also  for 
keeping  actual  war  at  a distance  from  Virginia? 
The  blunder  would  have  been  to  send  meagre  sup- 
plies, and  retain  a still  insufficient  reserve  at  home, 
thus  allowing  the  English  to  conquer  in  detail. 

In  another  matter,  more  in  his  line,  Jefferson 


54 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


again  showed  good  judgment.  The  enterprising 
frontier  fighter,  General  George  Rogers  Clarke,  by 
a bold  and  soldierly  movement  in  the  far  north- 
western part  of  the  State,  captured  the  British 
colonel  Hamilton.  This  officer  had  been  accused 
of  many  atrocities,  and  though  the  charges  prob- 
ably outran  the  truth,  yet  Jefferson  was  justified 
in  believing  him  a guilty  man.1  He  accordingly 
ordered  the  colonel  and  two  more  officers  to  be 
put  in  irons  and  closely  confined.  The  British 
general,  Phillips,  protested.  Jefferson  referred  the 
matter  to  Washington,  who,  with  much  hesitation 
and  apparent  reluctance,  advised  a mitigation  of 
the  extreme  severity.  But  the  dose  was  whole- 
some, and  Jefferson’s  stern  readiness  to  administer 
it  had  a salutary  effect.  He  had  in  his  keeping  a 
large  number  of  British  prisoners,  including  many 
of  high  rank ; and  his  avowed  purpose,  thus  sub- 
stantially enforced,  to  repay  cruelty  in  kind  and 
to  retaliate  hangings,  irons,  close  confinement,  and 
prison  ships  with  identical  measures  upon  his  own 
part,  undoubtedly  checked  the  brutal  tendencies  of 
too  many  of  the  English  officers. 

Almost  the  last  occurrence  in  Virginia  under 
Governor  Henry’s  administration  had  been  a Brit- 
ish raid.  A dozen  vessels  landed  some  two  thou- 
sand troops,  who  burned  and  ravaged  extensively 

1 Professor  Tucker  in  his  Life  of  Jefferson  undertakes  to  de- 
fend Hamilton.  But  his  defense  amounts  to  little  or  nothing 
more  than  that  he  knew  Hamilton,  and  thought  him  quite  too 
good  a fellow  and  too  much  of  a gentleman  to  have  been  guilty 
cf  the  behavior  alleged  against  him. 


GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 


55 


for  a few  days,  wholly  unmolested,  and  then  re- 
turned as  they  had  come.  The  affair  was  a dan- 
gerous indication  to  the  English  of  the  destruction 
which  they  could  easily  accomplish  in  this  great 
reservoir  of  supplies.  Yet  it  was  not  until  late  in 
October,  1780,  that  they  repeated  the  enterprise. 
On  the  22d  of  that  month  news  came  to  Governor 
Jefferson  that  a fleet  of  sixty  sail  had  anchored  in 
Hampton  Roads ; four  of  the  vessels  were  armed, 
while  transports  were  putting  on  shore  a land  force 
roughly  estimated  at  upwards  of  twenty-five  hun- 
dred men.  This  was  terrible  intelligence  in  a 
thinly-settled  country,  where  it  must  be  long  before 
an  adequate  defensive  array  could  be  assembled. 
Yet  even  men  were  more  plentiful  than  muskets, 
and  Jefferson  sadly  wrote : “ It  is  mortifying  to 
suppose  that  a people,  able  and  zealous  to  contend 
with  their  enemy,  should  be  reduced  to  fold  their 
arms  for  want  of  the  means  of  defense.”  Two  or 
three  weeks  later  “ the  prospect  of  arms  ” continued 
to  be  “ very  bad  indeed.”  Moreover,  in  Albemarle 
County,  hard  by  the  anchorage  ground,  there  were 
some  four  thousand  prisoners  of  war,  Burgoyne’s 
army,  who  had  been  consigned  to  Virginia  for  safe- 
keeping. Cornwallis,  having  lately  defeated  Gates 
badly  at  Camden,  was  less  than  one  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  from  the  Virginian  border.  A messen- 
ger from  General  Leslie,  the  commander  of  the 
invading  body,  was  captured,  having  in  his  mouth 
a little  quid  containing  a note  to  Cornwallis  indi- 
cating a plan  to  unite  both  armies.  In  such  imuii- 


56 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


nent  jeopardy  the  State  and  the  governor  stood 
helpless,  but  ultimately  were  saved  by  good  fortune 
and  lack  of  enterprise  on  the  part  of  the  English. 
The  North  Carolina  patriots  harassed  Cornwallis 
till  he  actually  fell  back  to  the  southward.  Leslie 
lay  a month  in  camp,  making  no  movement,  then 
embarked  and  sailed  away.  Virginia  had  another 
surprising  respite. 

The  third  time  the  State  was  to  fare  worse.  On 
the  morning  of  Sunday,  December  31,  1780,  Jef- 
ferson again  received  intelligence  that  a fleet  of 
twenty-seven  vessels  had  entered  Chesapeake  Bay 
on  the  preceding  day.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  case  heretofore,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  he  was 
now  culpably  remiss.  It  is  true  that  he  did  not 
know  that  the  fleet  might  not  be  French,  or  that 
its  destination  might  not  be  Baltimore.  But  he  did 
know  that  it  certainly  might  be  British,  that  its 
destination  might  be  Williamsburg,  Petersburg,  or 
Richmond,  and  that  in  such  event  the  best  speed 
could  not  collect  the  Virginian  levies  rapidly 
enough.  It  was  the  dead  of  winter,  not  a severe 
season  in  Virginia,  and  when  the  husbandman  is 
idle.  It  is  impossible  to  suggest  a satisfactory 
reason  why  Jefferson  should  not,  in  such  proba- 
ble and  instant  emergency,  have  prepared  at  once 
for  the  worst.  He  did  not ; he  simply  dispatched 
Genei’al  Nelson,  with  abundant  authority,  to  the 
lower  river  counties.  Then  he  waited. 

On  Tuesday  morning,  fifty  valuable  but  wasted 
hours  after  the  first  news  x’eached  him,  he  at  last 


GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 


57 


got  definite  information  which  showed  him  how 
stupid  he  had  been.  The  fleet  was  hostile  and  was 
coming  up  the  James.  Then  he  did  what  he  ought 
to  have  done  at  eight  o’clock  A.  M.  of  the  preced- 
ing Sunday : he  ordered  out  forty-seven  hundred 
militiamen  from  the  nearest  counties.  Further- 
more, having  at  last  got  fairly  at  work,  he  showed 
considerable  personal  energy.  He  got  the  public 
papers  and  some  stores  and  articles  of  value  across 
the  river  to  a less  exposed  place,  and  he  galloped 
about  the  country  terribly  busy  and  excited,  till  he 
killed  his  horse  and  was  obliged  to  mount  an  un- 
broken colt.  Eighty-four  hours  he  was  in  the  sad- 
dle. But  the  enemy  cared  little  for  all  his  prancing 
to  and  fro  on  blooded  steed  or  raw  colt.  They 
ascended  the  river  and  entered  Richmond,  burned 
and  destroyed  to  their  hearts’  content,  reembarked, 
and  dropped  down  stream  again.  The  militia  were 
only  beginning  to  assemble  when  the  British  were 
back  intrenching  themselves  in  Leslie’s  deserted 
camp.  The  governor  returned  to  the  devastated 
village  which  constituted  his  capital.  He  had 
shown  that  he  was  deficient  in  prompt  decision ; in 
a word,  that  he  was  not  the  man  for  the  place  and 
the  times. 

The  invaders  seemed  to  be  established  for  a long 
stay,  and  with  slight  chance  of  being  disturbed  ; for 
the  “fatal  want  of  arms”  still  continued.  There 
was  not  a regular  soldier  in  the  State,  nor  arms  to 
put  in  the  hands  of  the  militia.  Matters  were 
nearly  as  bad  as  in  North  Carolina,  where,  Jeffer- 


58 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


son  wrote,  the  Americans  could  be  saved  only  by 
the  “ moderation  and  caution  ” of  their  adversaries, 
— a slender  dependence  indeed!  It  added  to  the 
exasperation  of  the  Virginians  that  the  traitor, 
Arnold,  was  in  command  upon  their  soil.  Jeffer- 
son tried  to  devise  a scheme  for  kidnaping  him ; 
but  it  may  be  conceived  that  such  a bird  was  not 
to  be  snared  by  such  a fowler. 

For  several  months  the  British  kept  Virginia  in 
a state  of  nervous  inquietude.  It  is  easy  to  im- 
agine how  Jefferson,  as  the  winter  and  spring  crept 
forward  on  leaden  heels,  must  have  counted  first 
the  months,  then  the  weeks,  then  even  the  very 
days,  which  had  yet  to  elapse  before  his  painful 
responsibility  would  reach  its  end.  For  the  sec- 
ond year  of  his  administration  would  close  on 
June  1,  and  he  had  wisely  resolved  not  to  be  a 
candidate  for  reelection.  Possibly  mutterings  of 
dissatisfaction  alarmed  him  for  his  success.  But 
in  his  autobiography  he  says : “ From  a belief 
that,  under  the  pressure  of  the  invasion  under 
which  we  were  then  laboring,  the  public  would 
have  more  confidence  in  a military  chief,  and 
that,  the  military  commander  being  invested  with 
the  civil  power  also,  both  might  be  wielded  with 
more  energy,  promptitude,  and  effect  for  the  de- 
fense of  the  State,  I resigned  the  administration 
at  the  end  of  my  second  year.”  There  was  some 
talk  among  the  discouraged  Virginians,  during  the 
dark  days  now  close  at  hand,  of  setting  over  them- 
selves a dictator.  This  classic  but  mistaken  expe- 


GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 


59 


client  Jefferson  had  the  good  sense  to  oppose ; he 
afterward  said  that  “ the  very  thought  alone  was 
treason  against  the  people,  was  treason  against 
mankind  in  general.”  Fortunately,  his  remon- 
strances prevailed  in  due  season. 

April  came  and  was  fast  passing.  Only  May 
remained  before  the  wearied  governor  would  be 
governor  no  longer.  But  fortune  had  yet  one 
more  buffet  to  deal  him  at  parting.  In  the  latter 
part  of  April,  Cornwallis  set  out  on  a northward 
march,  and,  laying  waste  as  he  advanced,  came 
into  Virginia.  By  May  20  he  was  in  Petersburg, 
and  the  State  lay  at  his  mercy.  Jefferson  coidd 
devise  nothing  better  than  to  implore  Washington 
to  hasten  to  its  rescue.  The  legislature,  which  had 
thrice  already,  since  the  year  came  in,  fied  in  alarm 
from  Richmond,  had  been  adjourned  to  meet  on 
May  24  at  the  safer  village  of  Charlottesville,  at 
the  foot  of  the  hills  on  which  was  Monticello.  It 
was  not  till  May  28  that  a quorum  came  together, 
and  then  they  deferred  from  day  to  day  the  elec- 
tion of  a new  governor.  Jefferson’s  term  expired, 
but  still  he  had  to  hold  over,  since  no  successor 
had  been  chosen.  Things  were  in  this  condition 
when,  on  June  4,  the  early  summer  sun  not  having 
yet  risen,  a hard-ridden  steed  was  reined  up  at 
the  governor’s  door.  The  rider  had  galloped  in 
the  night  from  an  eastward  county-town  to  say  that 
a small  body  of  British  cavalry  under  the  dreaded 
Tarlton  was  pushing  rapidly  along  the  road  to 
Charlottesville  and  Monticello ; they  would  prob- 


60 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ably  be  hardly  three  hours  behind  him.  In  this 
emergency  Jefferson  certainly  showed  no  lack  of 
personal  courage.  That  is  to  say,  he  was  not 
panic  stricken.  He  did  not  go  to  Charlottesville, 
because  he  wisely  reflected  that  the  members  of  the 
legislature  were  able  to  run  away  from  the  town 
without  his  assistance.  He  stayed  tranquilly  at 
home,  breakfasted,  sent  away  his  family,  and  con- 
cealed his  plate  and  papers,  all  very  leisurely.  In- 
deed, he  owed  his  escape  from  capture  more  to 
good  luck  than  to  any  intelligent  precaution  on  his 
own  part.  Had  he  fallen  into  the  enemy’s  hands 
he  would  have  been  thought  to  have  acted  stu- 
pidly. As  it  turned  out,  he  did  get  safely  away 
into  the  woods,  and  Colonel  Tarlton,  disappointed 
of  his  prey,  had  only  to  ride  back  again.  But  the 
ignominious  scattering  of  all  the  ruling  officials  of 
the  State  served  to  fasten  still  another  irritating, 
though  really  undeserved,  stigma  upon  Jefferson’s 
administration.  It  was  the  more  vexatious  be- 
cause he  ought  to  have  been  freed  several  days 
before  from  so  much  as  a technical  responsibility. 
He  was  also  then,  and  long  afterward,  made  very 
angry  by  imputations  upon  his  courage,  as  though 
his  flight  had  been  ignominious.  It  is  needless  to 
say  that  it  was  not  so.  He  could  hardly  have  been 
expected  to  stand  alone  in  his  doorway  and  shoot 
at  the  body  of  dragoons. 

Tarlton’s  men  appear  to  have  taken  nothing  at 
Jefferson’s  house  beyond  food  and  drink,  in  which 
refreshment  even  the  owner  himself  could  hardly 


GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 


61 


have  wished  to  stint  them  in  that  land  of  un- 
questioning hospitality.  Jefferson  afterward  said, 
“ Tarlton  behaved  very  genteelly  with  me.”  But 
at  another  of  his  farms,  which  fell  within  reach  of 
Cornwallis’s  force,  Jefferson  fared  worse.  It  was 
not  long  since  certain  British  commissioners,  nomi- 
nally sent  on  a futile  errand  of  reconciliation,  had 
declared  that  the  inevitable  conclusion  of  events 
must  be  that  the  colonies  would  become  depend- 
ents of  the  French  crown,  and  that  England  de- 
signed to  make  the  gain  of  as  little  value  to  France 
as  possible.  The  innuendo  of  this  announcement 
was  soon  made  the  basis  of  practical  operations ; 
and  the  British  armies,  devoting  themselves  more 
to  devastation  than  to  warfare,  harried  the  country 
upon  all  sides.  Jefferson  suffered  with  the  rest, 
and  has  left  a formidable  record  of  the  pillage. 
All  his  husbanded  crops  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
cattle,  sheep  and  hogs  were  seized  for  food  ; all 
his  growing  crops  were  wantonly  destroyed,  and 
all  his  fences  were  burned  ; not  only  were  his 
many  valuable  horses  taken,  but  the  throats  of 
colts  too  young  to  be  used  were  barbarously  cut. 
Thirty  slaves  also  were  carried  away.  “ Had  this 
been  to  give  them  freedom,”  Jefferson  said,  Corn- 
wallis “ would  have  done  right ; but  it  was  to  con- 
sign them  to  inevitable  death  from  the  small-pox 
and  putrid  fever  then  raging  in  his  camps,”  as  in 
fact  became  their  wretched  fate.  It  is  not  surpris- 
ing that  in  later  days  Jefferson  cherished  a bitter 
hostility  towards  a nation  which  had  not  only  cur- 


62 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


tailed  his  popularity  and  reputation  among  his 
countrymen,  but  also  attacked  his  property  in  a 
spirit  of  extermination. 

The  censorious  temper  which  many  Virginians 
felt  towards  Jefferson  found  open  expression  in 
the  legislature  during  the  last  few  months  of  his 
administration ; and  even  some  preparation,  though 
just  how  much  cannot  be  accurately  ascertained, 
was  made  for  an  investigation.  Certain  it  is  that 
Mr.  George  Nicholas  moved  for  an  inquiry  at  the 
next  session,1  and  that  he  was  by  no  means  without 
supporters.  The  prevalence  of  this  sort  of  talk 
cut  Jefferson  deeply,  and  he  went  out  of  office  in  a 
very  bitter  frame  of  mind,  resolved  to  leave  for- 
ever the  public  service.  He  only  wished  to  return 
to  the  next  session  of  the  legislature  in  order  to 
court  the  threatened  inquiry.  To  enable  him  to 
do  this  a member  resigned,  and  then  Albemarle 
County  paid  him  the  handsome  honor  of  electing 
him  one  of  its  delegates,  actually  by  an  unani- 
mous vote.  Having  taken  his  seat,  he  stated  to  the 
House  his  wish  to  meet  the  charges  lately  made 
against  him.  No  one  replied.  He  then  read  cer- 
tain “ objections  ” which  had  been  informally  fur- 
nished to  him  by  Nicholas,  and  gave  his  reply  to 
them.  Still  no  one  rose  to  assail  him.  It  was  in 
December,  1781,  and  the  recent  surrender  of  Corn- 

1 Jefferson  afterward  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Nicholas,  say- 
ing that  he  was  an  able  and  honest  man,  and  that  this  motion 
was  the  blunder  of  an  ardent  youth.  Nicholas  also  afterward 
made  the  amende  honorable  to  Jefferson. 


GOVERNOR  OF  VIRGINIA 


63 


wallis  at  York  town  had  probably  softened  some- 
what the  recent  asperities.  His  friends  became 
sufficiently  emboldened  to  offer  a resolution,  which 
was  readily  passed,  thanking  him  for  his  “ impar- 
tial, upright,  and  attentive  ” administration,  bearing 
testimony  to  his  “ ability,  rectitude,  and  integ- 
rity,” and  avowing  a purpose  thus  to  r'emove  “ all 
unmerited  censure.”  The  closing  phrase  might 
mean  much  or  little,  and  the  adjectives  and  nouns, 
shrewdly  selected,  did  not  express  exhaustive  praise 
of  an  administration  in  time  of  war.  But  the  whole 
constituted  a mollifying  application  and  an  agree- 
ment to  have  done  with  unkindly  criticism.  Gen- 
eral Washington  also  had  closed  with  courteous 
words  a letter,  which  he  had  lately  found  occasion 
to  write  to  Jefferson,  making  a sort  of  certificate 
of  good  character.  With  such  comfort  as  he  could 
find  in  these  testimonials,  Jefferson  withdrew  to 
private  life.  He  had  had  the  misfortune  to  be 
placed  in  a position  for  which  he  was  ill  adapted, 
and  in  which  perhaps  no  one  could  have  given  sat- 
isfaction. He  had  merited  some  praise  and  some 
censure,  and  got  less  of  the  former  and  more  of  the 
latter  than  was  quite  just.  Altogether  he  had  had 
decidedly  hard  fortune. 


CHAPTER  VI 


IN  CONGRESS  AGAIN 

It  soon  became  evident  that  the  ex-governor  had 
experienced  a wound  far  too  deep  to  be  healed  by 
the  gentle  palliatives  which  had  been  consider- 
ately, but  not  enthusiastically,  given  to  him.  In  an 
extremely  bitter  and  resentful  frame  of  mind,  he 
moodily  secluded  himself  at  home,  and  reiterated 
upon  every  opportunity  his  resolve  never  again  to 
be  drawn  forth  into  public  life.  He  busied  himself 
with  his  plantations,  the  education  of  his  children, 
and  the  care  of  his  invalid  wife.  In  the  winter 
months,  early  in  1782,  he  put  the  finishing  touches 
to  a labor  which  he  had  begun  in  the  preceding 
spring,  his  well-known  and  useful  “ Notes  on  Vir- 
ginia.” In  the  spring  of  the  same  year  he  obsti- 
nately refused  to  attend  the  session  of  the  legisla- 
ture, though  he  was  still  a member.  His  enemies 
severely  criticised  this  conduct,  which  his  friends 
could  not  easily  defend ; Madison  privately  de- 
plored such  a display  of  irreconcilable  temper,  and 
Monroe  more  openly  wrote  him  a plain'  letter  of 
rebuke.  But  he  was  not  to  be  moved ; his  only 
reply  was  a reiteration  of  his  rankling  sense  of 
injury,  and  his  obstinate  purpose  to  have  done 
forever  with  the  public  service. 


IX  CONGRESS  AGAIN 


65 


Yet  it  is  probable  that  a more  amiable  incentive 
for  such  conduct  mingled  with  his  anger,  though 
he  was  too  proud  and  too  hurt  to  name  it.  For 
his  wife  was  in  very  ill  health.  In  May,  1782, 
she  lay  in  with  her  sixth  child,  and  thereafter 
there  could  be  no  real  hope  of  her  recovery.  Jef- 
ferson was  tender  and  assiduous  in  his  care  of  her 
as  it  was  possible  for  man  to  be,  and  when  at  last, 
in  September,  the  final  day  came,  the  scene  was  a 
terrible  one.  For  three  weeks  after  she  died  he 
did  not  leave  his  room  ; afterward  he  had  recourse 
to  long-  wanderings  in  the  solitary  wood-paths  of 
the  mountain.  His  oldest  daughter  was  his  con- 
stant companion  during  these  weeks  of  intense 
grief,  of  which  she  has  left  a harrowing  picture, 
showing  Jefferson  to  have  been  not  only  affection- 
ate but  very  emotional  in  temperament. 

It  is  said  that  Mrs.  Jefferson,  almost  in  the 
extreme  moment,  begged  her  husband  never  to 
give  her  children  a stepmother,  and  the  pledge 
which  he  then  so  solemnly  made  he  ever  faithfully 
kept.  Henceforth  Martha,  his  first-born  child,  was 
to  hold  the  warmest  corner  in  his  heart.  She  and 
Mary,  the  fourth  child,  were  the  only  ones  of  six 
that  were  born  to  him  who  lived  to  mature  years, 
and  only  Martha  survived  him.  But  the  children 
of  his  brother-in-law,  Dabney  Carr,  wrho  had  died 
young  and  poor,  had  been  taken  into  his  home, 
and  remained  there  like  his  own.  He  was  not 
only  very  kind  and  fond  towards  all  these  young 
people  of  his  household,  but  he  gave  to  their  bring- 


66 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ing  up  a conscientious  and  untiring  care.1  The 
letters  which  he  wrote  to  them,  and  which  have 
been  reproduced  with  encomiums  by  admiring  bi- 
ographers, are  always  absurdly  didactic,  and  often 
remind  the  reader  of  the  effusions  of  the  late  Mrs. 
Barhauld,  or  of  the  virtue  and  wisdom  enshrined 
in  the  pages  of  “ Sanford  and  Merton  ; ” but  they 
are  kindly  and  indicative  of  a lively  interest. 

In  September,  1776,  Congress  nominated  Jeffer- 
son, with  Franklin  and  Deane,  to  frame  a treaty 
of  alliance  and  commerce  with  France ; but  he  de- 
clined the  mission.  In  June,  1781,  he  was  again 
deputed  to  go  abroad  with  Franklin,  Adams,  Jay, 
and  Laurens,  to  negotiate  a treaty  of  peace ; but 
again  he  pleaded  personal  reasons  as  an  excuse. 
Two  months  after  the  death  of  his  wife  news  came 
to  him  at  the  seat  of  his  friend  Colonel  Cary,  at 
Ampthill,  where  he  was  nursing  his  own  children 
and  the  young  Carrs  through  the  process  of  inocu- 
lation, that  he  had  been  again  appointed  upon  the 
same  duty.  The  proposition  came  opportunely, 
offering  an  activity  and  change  of  scene  at  once 

wholesome  and  agreeable.  He  accepted,  and  made 

* 

1 The  list  of  Jefferson’s  children  is  as  follows  : Martha  Jeffer- 
son, bom  September  27,  1772,  married  to  Thomas  Mann  Randolph 
on  February  23,  1790,  died  October  10,  1836;  Jane  Randolph 
Jefferson,  horn  April  3,  1774,  died  September,  1775  ; a|Son,  born 
May  28,  1777,  died  June  14,  1777  ; Mary  (or  Maria)  Jefferson, 
born  August  1,  1778,  married  to  John  W.  Eppes  on  October  13, 
1797,  and  died  April  17,  1804  ; a daughter,  born  November  3, 
1780,  died  April  15,  1781 ; Lucy  Elizabeth  Jefferson,  born  May  8. 
1782,  died , 1784. 


IN  CONGRESS  AGAIN 


67 


ready  for  departure ; but  tlie  presence  of  English 
cruisers  off  the  coast  delayed  the  sailing  of  vessels, 
and  before  he  could  get  away  news  came  showing 
that  the  negotiations  were  so  far  advanced  that  his 
presence  would  be  substantially  useless.  So  in 
February,  1783,  he  again  returned  home. 

But  another  door  for  reentrance  into  public  life 
was  forthwith  opened.  On  June  6,  1783,  he  was 
chosen  by  the  Virginia  legislature  a member  of 
Congress,  whither  he  repaired  in  November  follow- 
ing. That  body  had  fallen  into  something  very 
like  contempt,  and  many  gentlemen  conceived  that 
the  honor,  such  as  it  was,  of  membership  need  not 
entail  the  trouble  of  attendance.  So  it  happened 
that,  though  the  treaty  of  peace  was  to  be  ratified 
before  a certain  near  date,  only  seven  States  were 
represented,  whereas  the  assent  of  nine  was  neces- 
sary. Some  members  proposed  that  the  seven 
should  ratify,  upon  the  chance  that  Great  Britain 
would  never  detect  the  insufficiency.  But  this  dis- 
honorable expedient  was  vigorously  opposed  by 
Jefferson  and  others.  At  last  an  urgent  appeal 
brought  in  some  of  the  delinquent  members ; and 
Jefferson  had  the  pleasure  of  signing  the  treaty 
which  established  the  Independence  declared  by 
his  document  seven  years  before.  It  fell  to  him, 
also,  to  play  an  important  part  in  arranging  the 
ceremonial  of  Washington’s  resignation. 

o o 

The  need  of  an  executive  power  more  permanent 
than  this  intermittent  Congress  led  Jefferson  to 
propose  a “ committee  of  the  States,”  to  be  com- 


68 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


posed  of  one  member  from  each  State  and  to  re- 
main  in  session  during  the  recesses.  The  plan 
was  adopted,  but  resulted  in  complete  failure  by 
reason  of  factions  in  the  committee.  He  showed  a 
sounder  wisdom  in  his  criticism  of  Morris’s  report 
on  the  national  finances.  That  gentleman,  by  in- 
genious figuring,  had  devised  a money  unit  which 
was  a perfectly  accurate  common  measure  between 
the  currencies  of  all  the  States.  This  was  the 
TlVo  Par^  a dollar.  Jefferson  justly  found 
fault  with  a system  which  would  make  all  the 
little  computations  of  daily  life  ridiculously  vast 
and  complex.  For  example,  he  said,  the  price  of  a 
loaf  of  bread,  2V  of  a dollar,  would  be  72  units; 
of  a pound  of  butter,  | of  a dollar,  288  units  ; of 
a horse,  worth  $80,  115,200  units  ; while  a national 
debt  of  $80,000,000  would  be  115,200,000,000 
units.  To  escape  such  palpable  folly  he  suggested 
the  dollar  as  the  unit. 

Jefferson  further  had  the  pleasure  of  tendering 
to  Congress  Virginia’s  deed,  ceding  her  vast  north- 
western territory  to  be  held  as  the  common  pro- 
perty of  all  the  States.  Directly  afterward  he  was 
made  one  of  the  committee  charged  to  prepare  a 
plan  for  the  government  of  this  region.  The  re- 
port was  doubtless  composed  by  him,  sin<fe  the 
draft  in  the  State  Department  is  in  his  handwrit- 
ing. It  contains  the  substance  of  the  famous  Ordi- 
nance of  the  Northwestern  Territory.  Its  most 
honorable  provision  is,  “ that  after  the  year  1800 
if  the  Christian  era,  there  shall  be  neither  slavery 


IN  CONGRESS  AGAIN 


69 


nor  involuntary  servitude  in  any  of  the  said  States, 
otherwise  than  in  punishment  of  crimes,”  etc.  Yet 
beside  this  humane  and  noble  piece  of  statesman- 
ship we  have  a glimpse  of  that  absurd  element  in 
Jefferson’s  mind  which  his  admirers  sought  to  ex- 
cuse by  calling  him  a “ philosopher.”  The  matter 
is  small,  to  be  sure,  but  suggestive.  He  proposed 
as  names  for  the  several  subdivisions  of  this  ter- 
ritory : Syl vania,  Michigania,  Cherronesus,  Assen- 
isippia,  Metropotamia,  Illinoia,  Saratoga,  Wash- 
ington, Polypotamia,  and  Pelisipia.  Fortunately 
these  wondrous  classic  titles  have  not  afflicted  the 
children  of  our  common  schools.  But  much  less 
happily  the  clause  prohibiting  slavery  was  lost, 
only  six  of  the  Northeastern  and  Middle  States 
voting  for  it. 

Such  were  the  last  legislative  undertakings  of 
Mr.  Jefferson.  On  May  7, 1784,  he  left  Congress. 


CHAPTER  Vn 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 

Simultaneously  with  his  retirement  from  Con- 
gress, Jefferson  was  for  the  fourth  time  appointed 
to  a foreign  mission.  His  errand  was  to  aid  Dr. 
Franklin  and  John  Adams  in  negotiating  treaties 
of  commerce.  He  sailed  from  Boston  July  5,  1784, 
and  arrived  in  Portsmouth  July  30.  He  proceeded 
at  once  to  Paris,  and  soon  established  himself  there 
in  a handsome  house,  which  he  afterward  ex- 
changed for  one  of  considerable  magnificence,  and 
in  all  respects  he  made  arrangements  for  living  in 
very  good  style.  His  salary  was  nine  thousand 
dollars  a year,  and  with  all  the  aid  he  could  get 
from  his  private  fortune  he  was  hard  pushed  to 
meet  his  expenses.  His  daughter  Martha  he  placed 
at  the  most  fashionable  and  exclusive  convent- 
school  in  the  country. 

He  soon  found  that  he  could  do  little  for  the 
United  States  beyond  representing  them  creditably 
and  serving  as  a respectable  sample  of  the  new 
trans-Atlantic  people.  Nor  were  his  duties  much 
changed  when,  in  the  following  spring,  the  trio  of 
diplomatists  was  broken  up  by  the  departure  of 
Franklin  for  home  and  of  John  Adams  for  Eng- 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


71 


land,  and  by  his  own  appointment  as  resident  min- 
ister to  Fi’ance.  The  unpleasant  truth  was  that 
the  ancient  monarchies  of  Europe  knew  little  and 
cared  less  for  the  parvenu  republics  of  a distant 
continent,  and  were  indifferent  concerning  commer- 
cial treaties  with  a people  whose  commerce  was  an 
unknown  and  unvalued  quantity.  “ Lady  Rock- 
minster  has  took  us  up,”  said  the  Begum  Claver- 
ing to  Pendennis  ; and  very  much  in  the  same  way 
France  had  taken  up  the  North  American  States. 
She  vouched  for  their  respectability,  treated  them 
publicly  with  pointed  courtesy,  and  affably  ex- 
tended to  their  representatives  the  hospitalities  of 
her  court  for  holding  diplomatic  intercourse  with 
other  powers.  But  when  these  other  powers,  though 
civil  enough,  were  wholly  uninterested,  France 
could  not  further  help  her  proteges.  Indeed,  she 
herself  disappointed  expectation  when  it  came  to 
actual  business.  Jefferson,  who  had  decided  no- 
tions about  the  advantages  of  free  trade,  was  un- 
tiring in  his  efforts  to  mitigate  the  severity  of 
the  French  regulations,  and  his  diplomatic  corre- 
spondence with  Vergennes  and  Montmorin  fairly 
reeks  with  the  flavors  of  whale  oils,  salt-fish,  and 
tobacco.  Yet  he  was  able  to  accomplish  scarcely 
anything. 

He  had  also  to  encounter  the  usual  humiliations 
which  beset  all  American  envoys  for  many  years 
by  reason  of  the  financial  embarrassments  of  the 
States.  He  lived  in  a hive  of  creditors  of  his  na- 
tion, who  seemed  resolved,  if  they  could  not  extort 

o 


72 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


from  him  payment  of  their  demands,  at  least  to 
have  their  money’s  worth  in  tormenting  him.  He 
was  further  much  irritated  at  being  compelled  to  1 
aid  in  arranging,  on  behalf  of  his  countrymen, 
that  disgraceful  tribute  which  powerful  civilized 
nations  were  wont  to  pay  to  the  corsair  states  of 
Northern  Africa.  He  strenuously  urged  that  war 
would  be  more  effectual,  more  honorable,  and  in 
the  end  not  more  costly,  and  he  proposed  to  form 
a league  of  commercial  nations  to  sustain  a com- 
bined naval  armament  sufficient  to  overawe  those 
pirates  in  their  own  waters.  But  his  spirited  and 
sensible  efforts  did  not  meet  with  the  success  which 
they  deserved. 

In  the  early  spring  of  1786  another  unpleasant 
task  awaited  him.  He  was  obliged  to  spend  a few 
weeks  in  London,  in  the  hope  of  aiding  Mr.  Adams 
in  sundry  commercial  negotiations  there  pending. 
He  was  presented,  he  says,  “ as  usual,  to  the  king 
and  queen  at  their  levees,  and  it  was  impossible 
for  anything  to  be  more  ungracious  than  their  no- 
tice of  Mr.  Adams  and  myself.”  Also  the  Mar- 
quis of  Caermartlien,  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
was  so  vague  and  evasive  as  to  confirm  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son in  his  belief  of  the  English  “ aversion  to  have 
anything  to  do  with  us.”  Naturally  he  achieved 
nothing  and  went  away  in  no  pleasant  frame  of 
mind,  carrying  personal  reminiscences  chiefly  of 
coldness  and  insolence.  His  contempt  and  hatred 
towards  England,  much  intensified  by  this  trip, 
and  his  belief  in  the  bitter  hostility  of  that  coun- 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


73 


try  towards  the  States,  hereafter  find  frequent  and 
vigorous  expression  in  his  correspondence. 

“ That  nation  hate  us,”  he  wrote,  “ their  ministers 
hate  us,  and  their  king  more  than  all  other  men.  . . . 
Our  overtures  of  commercial  arrangements  have  been 
treated  with  derision.  ...  I think  their  hostility  to- 
wards us  is  much  more  deeply  rooted  at  present  than 
during  the  war.” 

“ In  spite  of  treaties,  England  is  still  our  enemy. 
Her  hatred  is  deep-rooted  and  cordial,  and  nothing  is 
wanting  with  her  but  the  power  to  wipe  us  and  the  land 
we  live  in  out  of  existence.” 

The  English  “ do  not  conceive  that  any  circumstance 
will  arise  which  shall  render  it  expedient  for  them  to 
have  any  political  connection  with  us.  They  think  we 
shall  be  glad  of  their  commerce  on  their  own  terms. 
There  is  no  party  in  our  favor  here,  either  in  power  or 
out  of  power.  Even  the  opposition  concur  with  the 
ministry  and  the  nation  in  this.” 

“ I think  the  king,  ministers,  and  nation  are  more 
bitterly  hostile  to  us  at  present  than  at  any  period  of  the 
late  war.” 

“ The  spirit  of  hostility  to  us  has  always  existed  in 
the  mind  of  the  king,  but  it  has  now  extended  itself 
through  the  whole  mass  of  the  people  and  the  majority 
in  the  public  councils.” 

“ I had  never  concealed  . . . that  I considered  the 
British  as  our  natural  enemies  and  as  the  only  nation  on 
earth  who  wished  us  ill  from  the  bottom  of  their  souls. 
And  I am  satisfied  that,  were  our  continent  to  be  swal- 
lowed up  by  the  ocean,  Great  Britain  would  be  in  a 
bonfire  from  one  side  to  the  other.” 


74 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


So  excessive  was  His  distrust  that  he  even 
“ thought  the  English  capable  of  administering 
aid  to  the  Algerines.” 

He  was  further  profoundly  incensed  at  the  bad 
character  which  persistent  abuse  by  the  English 
press  was  fastening  upon  his  country  among  Euro- 
peans. “ There  was,”  he  says,  “ an  enthusiasm 
towards  us  all  over  Europe  at  the  moment  of  the 
peace.  The  torrent  of  lies  published  unremit- 
tingly in  every  day’s  London  papers  first  made  an 
impression  and  produced  a coolness.  The  republi- 
cation of  these  lies  in  most  of  the  papers  of  Eu- 
rope . . . carried  them  home  to  the  belief  of  every 
mind.”  The  wretched  credit  of  the  States  abroad 
is,  he  says,  “ partly  owing  to  their  real  deficiencies, 
and  partly  to  the  lies  propagated  by  the  London 
papers,  which  are  probably  paid  for  by  the  minis- 
ter to  reconcile  the  people  to  the  loss  of  us.  No 
paper,  therefore,  comes  out  without  a dose  of  para- 
graphs against  America.” 

This  state  of  popular  feeling  in  England  filled 
Jefferson  with  forebodings  for  the  future.  “ In  a 
country  where  the  voice  of  the  people  influences 
so  much  the  measures  of  administration,  and  where 
it  coincides  with  the  private  temper  of  the  king, 
there  is  no  pronouncing  on  future  events.”  f‘  A 
like  disposition  [of  hostility]  on  our  part  has  been 
rising  for  some  time.  . . . Our  countrymen  are 
eager  in  their  passions  and  enterprises  and  not 
disposed  to  calculate  their  interests  against  these.” 
Reflecting  that  the  animosities  “ which  seize  the 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


75 


whole  body  of  a people,  and  of  a people  too  who 
dictate  their  own  measures,  produce  calamities  of 
Ions;  duration,”  he  said  that  he  should  “ not  won- 
der  to  see  the  scenes  of  ancient  Rome  and  Car- 
thage renewed  in  our  days.”  But  he  consoled  him- 
self with  the  thought  that  “ we  are  young  and 
can  survive  them ; but  their  rotten  machine  must 
ci'ush  under  the  trial.” 

Jefferson  was  preeminently  a man  of  peace ; 
he  instinctively  loved  it,  and  he  knew  that  his 
own  abilities  fitted  him  only  for  peaceful  scenes. 
About  the  time  of  which  we  are  writing  he  re- 
marked that  44  the  most  successful  war  seldom 
pays  for  its  losses,”  and  throughout  life  he  hated 
everything  which  did  not  pay.  He  therefore  de- 
precated a war  even  with  England  ; yet  he  abomi- 
nated her  with  that  peculiar  bitterness  which  is 
seldom  cherished  by  more  combative  natures,  but 
has  a strange  way  of  lurking  in  the  obscure  depths^ 
of  pacific  characters.  Allowing  for  a little  excess 
in  this  feeling,  he  was  in  the  main  perfectly  right. 
It  is  necessary  to  dip  very  little  beneath  the  tran- 
quil surface  of  history  to  find  a vast  reservoir  of 
evidence  in  corroboration  of  his  views  and  justifi- 
cation of  his  feelings.  He  read  English  sentiments 
and  purposes  with  perfect  accuracy.  But  further, 
besides  their  enmity  he  plainly  saw  that  perverse 
and  obstinate  dullness  which  was  so  long  a marked 
trait  in  their  intercourse  with  this  country.  With 
bitter  justice  he  said  : “ Our  enemies  (for  such  they 
are  in  fact)  have  for  twelve  years  past  followed 


76 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


but  one  uniform  rule,  that  of  doing  exactly  the 
contrary  of  what  reason  points  out.  Having  early 
during  our  contest  observed  this  in  the  British 
conduct,  I governed  myself  by  it  in  all  prognos- 
tications of  their  measures  ; and  I can  say  with 
truth  it  never  failed  me  but  in  the  circumstance  of 
their  making  peace  with  us.”  He  further  ventured 
to  say  that  the  English  “ require  to  be  kicked 
into  common  good  manners.”  Yet  he  retained 
sufficient  fairness  to  admit  the  excellence  of  the 
English  system  of  government,  reserving  his  con- 
demnation chiefly  for  the  behavior  of  the  ministry 
and  prominent  men. 

From  this  futile  and  exasperating  English  trip 
Jefferson  returned  to  a thoroughly  congenial  so- 
ciety. If,  as  these  Parisian  years  glided  pleasantly 
by,  they  seemed  fraught  with  little  matter  of  im- 
portance for  the  States,  and  to  be  chiefly  instru- 
mental in  promoting  Jefferson’s  personal  grati- 
fication, it  was  only  because  their  true  bearing 
was  not  yet  apparent.  It  was  seed-time,  and  the 
harvest  was  not  to  ripen  until  Jefferson  should  be- 
come the  leader  of  a powerful  party  in  the  United 
States.  Then  English  insolence  and  French  cour- 
tesy began  severally  to  bear  their  appropriate 
fruits,  and  the  gathering  of  those  fruits  was  a 
matter  of  some  consequence  to  all  concerned. 

Mr.  Jefferson’s  stay  in  France  extended  through 
five  years.  When  he  arrived,  the  monarchy  seemed 
firmly  established  as  ever  ; before  he  left,  the  Bas- 
tille had  been  destroyed,  blood  had  been  freely 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


77 


spilled  in  tlie  streets,  mobs  had  overawed  the 
king  and  slain  cabinet  ministers.  No  Frenchman 
watched  events  with  more  profound  interest  than 
did  Jefferson,  and  none  had  better  opportunities 
than  he  enjoyed  for  observing  the  gradual  advance 
of  revolutionary  feeling.  His  own  predilections 
and  his  natural  intimacy  with  Lafayette  brought 
him  from  the  outset  into  the  society  of  -the  liberal 
or  patriotic  party.  These  men,  moderate  and  rea- 
sonable reformers  and  not  at  all  identical  with 
the  violent  revolutionists  of  later  stages,  found  in 
him  a kindred  spirit,  long  accustomed  to  think 
the  thoughts  which  they  were  just  beginning  to 
think,  and  to  hold  the  beliefs  which  they  were  now 
acquiring.  They  made  of  him  at  once  an  instruc- 
tor, counselor,  and  sympathizing  friend.  They 
recognized  him  as  one  of  themselves,  a specula- 
tive thinker  concerning  the  rights  of  mankind,  a 
preacher  of  extreme  doctrines  of  political  freedom, 
a deviser  of  theories  of  government,  a propounder 
of  vague  but  imposing  generalizations,  a condemner 
of  the  fetters  of  practicability,  in  a word,  by  the 
slang  of  that  day,  a “ philosopher ; ” and  they 
liked  him  accordingly.  Upon  his  own  part,  his 
interest  in  the  reformation  of  their  odious  royal 
despotism  could  hardly  have  been  greater  had  he 
himself  been  a Frenchman.  He  went  daily  to 
Versailles  to  attend  the  debates  of  the  National 
Assembly.  Lafayette  and  others  sought  his  sug- 
gestions. The  archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  as  head 
of  a committee  of  the  National  Assembly,  charged 


78 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


to  draft  tlie  projet  of  a constitution,  actually  in- 
vited him  “ to  attend  and  assist  at  their  delibera- 
tions.” This  he  wisely  declined  to  do.  But  later, 
in  private  conference  with  one  or  two  personal 
friends,  he  proposed  an  important  step,  — that 
“ the  king,  in  a seance  royale , should  come  for- 
ward with  a charter  of  rights  in  his  hand,  to  he 
signed  by  himself  and  by  every  member  ” of  the 
Assembly ; and  he  actually  sketched  the  chief 
heads  of  such  a “ charter.” 

If  these  acts  seem  an  interference  of  question- 
able propriety,  yet  upon  the  whole  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  he  behaved  with  excellent  discretion 
and  self-control,  though  the  temptation  to  mingle 
in  affairs  was  rendered  exceptionally  great  by  his 
real  interest  in  them,  by  the  abnormal  state  of  po- 
litical matters,  by  his  friendship  with  Lafayette 
and  others,  and  by  the  deference  which  was  shown 
to  him  personally,  indicative  of  the  influence  which 
he  might  exert.  Only  once  did  he  appear  in  dan- 
ger of  being  seriously  compromised,  and  then  it 
was  through  the  blunder  of  another.  Lafayette, 
without  previously  consulting  him,  arranged  that 
six  or  eight  discordant  chiefs  of  different  sections 
of  the  liberal  party  in  the  Assembly  should  dine 
at  Jefferson’s  house,  in  the  hope  that  they  might 
reach  an  agreement.  Jefferson  was  much  annoyed 
at  this  “ inadvertence  ” on  the  part  of  his  friend, 
and  waited  on  Count  Montmorin  the  next  morning 
with  an  explanation.  The  count  replied  that 
“ he  already  knew  everything  -which  had  passed,  that 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


79 


so  far  from  taking  umbrage  at  the  use  made  of  my  house 
on  that  occasion  he  earnestly  wished  I would  habitually 
assist  at  such  conferences,  being  sure  I should  be  useful 
in  moderating  the  warmer  spirits  and  promoting  a whole- 
some and  practicable  reformation  only.  I told  him  I 
knew  too  well  the  duties  I owed  to  the  king,  to  the  nar 
tion,  and  to  my  own  country,  to  take  any  part  in  councils 
concerning  their  internal  government,  and  that  I should 
persevere  with  care  in  the  character  of  a neutral  and 
passive  spectator,  with  wishes  only,  and  very  sincere 
ones,  that  those  measures  might  prevail  which  would  be 
for  the  greatest  good  of  the  nation.” 

It  has  been  the  fashion  to  say  that  the  feelings 
and  ideas  gathered  by  Jefferson  in  France  consti- 
tuted the  predominant  influence  throughout  his 
subsequent  political  career.  In  this  there  is  much 
exaggeration,  and  towards  him  much  injustice. 
His  character  was  more  independent.  Moreover, 
he  was  a mature  man  when  he  went  abroad,  and 
had  been  busied  from  early  youth,  alike  in  the  way 
of  theory  and  practice,  with  the  political  and  social 
problems  of  government.  The  originating  disposi- 
tion and  radical  temper  of  his  mind  had  appeared 
from  the  outset,  and  were  only  confirmed,  not 
created,  by  his  foreign  experience.  Neither  was 
his  affection  for  France,  nor  his  antipathy  to  Eng- 
land, then  first  implanted.  Both  sentiments  were 
strong  before  he  crossed  the  Atlantic ; they  were 
only  encouraged  by  the  pleasures  of  his  long  resi- 
dence in  the  one  country,  and  the  convictions  borne 
in  upon  him  during  his  brief  visit  to  the  other. 


80 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


His  character  would  be  ill  understood  if  it  were 
supposed  that  his  subsequent  political  career  was 
the  exotic  growth  of  French  seeds,  instead  of  being 
developed  in  ordinary  course  from  the  native  root. 
He  would  always  have  been  a radical,  an  extreme 
democrat,  a hater  of  England,  a lover  of  France,  a 
sympathizer  with  the  French  revolutionists,  though 
he  had  never  sailed  out  of  sight  of  American 
shores.  The  only  effect  of  his  European  life  was 
to  corroborate  preexisting  opinions,  and  somewhat 
to  intensify  sentiments  already  entertained.  Per- 
haps these  were  naturally  so  strong  that  a counter- 
acting influence  would  have  been  more  wholesome ; 
and  this  might  have  been  experienced  had  he 
remained  to  witness  the  Reign  of  Terror  and  the 
ascendency  of  Robespierre.  This,  however,  was 
not  to  be.  In  September,  1789,  he  sailed  for  home 
from  Havre,  upon  what  he  supposed  to  be  a short 
leave  of  absence  granted  at  his  urgent  request. 
But  events,  as  will  be  seen,  rendered  his  stay  at 
home  permanent. 

Jefferson  ought  to  have  been  a happy  man  when 
he  set  sail  on  this  return  trip.  Never  did  an  in- 
voluntary exile  glorify,  in  imagination,  his  lost 
home  as  Jefferson  had  been  glorifying  the  States 
for  five  years  past.  All  the  charms  of  Paris  wele 
to  him  as  nothing  in  comparison  with  the  merits  of 
his  dear  native  land.  “ London,”  he  said,  “ though 
handsomer  than  Paris,  is  not  so  handsome  as  Phil- 
adelphia ! ” He  found  that,  in  the  way  of  educa- 
tion, only  vice  and  modern  languages  were  better 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


81 


taught  in  Europe  than  at  home ; instruction  was 
just  as  good  at  William  and  Mary  College  as  at  the 
most  famous  seats  of  learning  abroad  ! He  begged 
Monroe  to  come  to  France,  because  “ it  will  make 
you  adore  your  own  country,  its  soil,  its  climate, 
its  equality,  liberty,  laws,  people,  and  manners.” 
He  predicted  that  piany  Europeans  would  settle  in 
America,  but  “ no  man  now  living  will  ever  see 
an  instancy  of  an  American  removing  to  settle  in 
Europe  and  continuing  there.”  The  virtues  of  his 
fellow  citizens  he  attributes  to  the  fact  that  they 
have  “ been  separated  from  their  parent  stock  and 
kept  from  contamination,  either  from  them  or  the 
other  people  of  the  old  world,  by  the  intervention 
of  so  wide  an  ocean.”  “ With  all  the  defects  of  our 
Constitution,  . . . the  comparison  of  our  govern- 
ments with  those  of  Europe  is  like  a comparison  of 
heaven  and  hell.  England,  like  the  earth,  may  be 
allowed  to  take  the  intermediate  station.” 

To  the  gaze  of  such  a patriot  everything  which 
took  place  in  his  own  country  seemed  admirable. 
Even  Shays’s  insurrection  in  Massachusetts,  which, 
by  the  alarm  that  it  spread  among  all  thinking  men, 
contributed  largely  to  the  adoption  of  the  new 
Constitution,  seemed  to  Jefferson  a commendable 
occurrence.  Undeniably  he  talked  some  very  bad 
nonsense  about  it. 

“ The  commotions  offer  nothing  threatening ; they  are 
a proof  that  the  people  have  liberty  enough,  and  I could 
not  wish  them  less  than  thej'-  have.  If  the  happiness  of 
the  mass  of  the  people  can  be  secured  at  the  expense  of 


82 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


a little  tempest,  now  and  then,  or  even  of  a little  blood, 
it  will  be  a precious  purchase.”  “To  punish  these  errors 
too  severely  would  be  to  suppress  the  only  safeguard  of 
the  public  liberty.”  “ A little  rebellion  now  and  then  is 
a good  thing,  ...  an  observation  of  this  truth  should 
render  honest  republican  governors  so  mild  in  their  pun- 
ishment of  rebellions  as  not  to  discourage  them  too  much. 
It  is  a medicine  necessary  for  the  sound  health  of  govern- 
ment.” “ Thus  I calculate,  — an  insurrection  in  one  of 
thirteen  States  in  the  course  of  eleven  years  that  they 
have  subsisted,  amounts  to  one  in  any  particular  State  in 
one  hundred  and  forty-three  years,  say  a century  and  a 
half.  This  would  not  be  near  as  many  as  have  happened 
in  every  other  government  that  has  ever  existed.  So 
that  we  shall  have  the  difference  between  a light  and  a 
heavy  government  as  clear  gain.”  “ Can  history  pro- 
duce an  instance  of  rebellion  so  honorably  conducted  ? 
. . . God  forbid  we  should  ever  be  twenty  years  without 
such  a rebellion.  . . . What  signify  a few  lives  lost  in  a 
century  or  two  ? The  tree  of  liberty  must  be  refreshed 
from  time  to  time  with  the  blood  of  patriots  and  tyrants. 
It  is  its  natural  manure.” 

It  shakes  one’s  faith  in  mankind  to  find  a really 
great  statesman  uttering  such  folly ! It  had  not 
even  the  poor  excuse  of  being  caught  from  the 
French  revolutionists  ; for  the  latest  of  these  sen- 
tences was  uttered  in  November,  1787,  when  Jeffer- 
son was  more  probably  engaged  in  imparting  such 
extravagant  notions  to  the  moderate  French  re- 
formers than  in  receiving  these  wild  ideas  from 
them.  In  truth,  Jefferson  was  recoiling  too  far 
from  the  “ conspiracy  of  kings  and  nobles,”  and 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


83 


was  east  for  a time  into  the  ridiculous  position  of 
advocating  a “ no  government  ” theory.  “ The 
basis  of  our  governments,”  he  said,  “ being  the 
opinion  of  the  people,  the  very  first  object  should 
be  to  keep  that  right,” — a sound  postulate  which 
he  makes  the  pedestal  for  a preposterous  super- 
structure ; for  he  adds  : “Were  it  left  to  me  to  de- 
cide whether  we  should  have  a government  without 
newspapers,  or  newspapers  without  a government, 
I should  not  hesitate  a moment  to  prefer  the  lat- 
ter,”— the  newspapers  of  the  latter  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century  ! “ I am  convinced,”  he  says, 

“ that  those  societies  (as  the  Indians)  which  live 
without  government  enjoy  in  their  general  mass 
an  infinitely  greater  degree  of  happiness  than 
those  who  live  under  the  European  governments. 
Among  the  former  public  opinion  is  in  the  place 
of  law,  and  restraining  morals  as  powerfully  as 
laws  ever  did  anywhere.”  “ Societies  exist  under 
three  forms : . . . 1.  Without  government  as 
among  our  Indians.  2.  Under  governments 
wherein  the  will  of  every  one  has  a just  influence. 
...  3.  Under  governments  of  force.  ...  It  is  a 
problem  not  clear  in  my  mind  that  the  first  condi- 
tion is  not  the  best.”  One  loses  patience  with  an 
intelligent  man  talking  such  stuff. 

Jefferson’s  experience  abroad,  in  attempting  to 
form  commercial  treaties,  had  taught  him  the  ne- 
cessity of  a closer  union  of  the  States  for  purposes 
of  foreign  relationships ; but  when  the  lesson  of 
Shays’s  insurrection  was  even  read  backwards  by 


84 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


him,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  he  was  far  from  com- 
prehending’ the  domestic  necessity  for  a much 
firmer  consolidation.  “ My  general  plan,”  he  said, 
“ would  be  to  make  the  States  one  as  to  every- 
thing connected  with  foreign  nations,  and  several  as 
to  everything  purely  domestic.”  Such  being  his 
opinion,  it  was  inevitable  that,  when  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  was  published,  he  found 
much  in  it  which  seemed  to  him  very  unsound  and 
objectionable.  There  are  in  the  document,  he 
said,  “ things  which  stagger  all  my  dispositions  to 
subscribe  to  what  such  an  assembly  has  proposed,” 
and  his  earliest  criticisms  were  very  severe.  Fur- 
ther consideration,  however,  the  arguments  of  “The 
Federalist,”  and  correspondence  with  Madison  and 
Monroe,  gradually  induced  him  to  modify  his 
views.  By  May,  1788,  he  was  able  to  say:  “1 
look  forward  to  the  general  adoption  of  the  new 
Constitution  with  anxiety,  as  necessary  for  us 
under  our  present  circumstances.”  If  in  many 
particulars  he  was  still  imperfectly  pleased,  he  was 
only  of  the  like  sentiment  with  most  of  the  zealous 
advocates  of  adoption.  Probably  every  promi- 
nent man  among  the  Federalists  could,  in  his  own 
opinion,  have  suggested  improvements.  Jefferson 
finally  took  the  national  charter  as  its  other  sup- 
porters did,  “ contented  with  the  ground  which  it 
will  gain  for  us,  and  hoping  that  a favorable  mo- 
ment will  come  for  correcting  what  is  amiss  in  it.” 
His  earlier  wish  was  that  nine  States  would  adopt 
it,  “in  order  to  insure  what  was  good  in  it,  and 


MINISTER  TO  FRANCE 


85 


that  the  others  might,  by  holding  off,  produce  the 
necessary  amendments.”  But  later  he  declai'ed  the 
plan  of  Massachusetts  to  be  “ far  preferable,”  and 
expressed  the  hope  that  it  would  “ be  followed  by 
those  who  are  yet  to  decide.”  Finally  on  Decem- 
ber 4,  1788,  he  writes:  “I  have  seen  with  infinite 
pleasure  our  new  Constitution  accepted  by  eleven 
States,  not  rejected  by  the  twelfth  ; and  that  the 
thirteenth  happens  to  be  a State  of  the  least  im- 
portance.” 

The  preceding  extracts,  which  might  be  multi- 
plied by  many  more  of  identical  tenor,  abundantly 
show  Jefferson’s  real  sentiments  concerning  the 
Constitution,  and  refute  the  unfair  charge  after- 
ward brought  against  him  by  his  enemies,  that  he 
was  opposed  to  it.  His  own  characteristic  state- 
ment was  : “ I am  not  a Federalist,  because  I never 
submitted  the  whole  system  of  my  opinions  to  the 
creed  of  any  party  of  men  whatever,  in  religion,  in 
philosophy,  in  politics,  or  in  anything  else  where  I 
was  capable  of  thinking  for  myself.  Such  an  ad- 
diction is  the  last  degradation  of  a free  and  moral 
agent.  If  I could  not  go  to  heaven  but  with  a 
party,  I would  not  go  there  at  all.  Therefore  I 
am  not  of  the  party  of  the  Federalists.  But  I am 
much  farther  from  that  of  the  anti-Federalists.  I 
approved,  from  the  first  moment,  of  the  great  mass 
of  what  is  in  the  new  Constitution.”  He  then  con- 
tinues at  great  length  to  show  how  his  objections 
gradually  gave  way  before  argument,  until  a con- 
fession of  faith,  too  rigid  to  have  been  repeated  by 


86 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


• 

liim,  could  have  been  repeated  by  very  few  indi- 
viduals in  the  States.  It  is  probable  that  the  Con- 
stitution was  nearer  to  his  ideal  upon  the  one  side 
than  it  was  to  Hamilton’s  ideal  upon  the  other. 
The  only  serious  objections,  which  he  retained  to 
the  end,  were  the  absence  of  a bill  of  rights  and  the 
presence  of  the  reeligibility  of  the  President.  The 
former  real  defect  was  promptly  and  wisely  cured  ; 
the  latter  has  been  practically  controlled  by  a wise 
custom  which  he  himself  helped  to  inaugurate. 


I 


CHAPTER  VIII 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS 

On  October  23,  1789,  Mr.  Jefferson  sailed  from 
Cowes,  and  on  December  23  be  was  welcomed  by 
liis  slaves  at  Monticello.  At  bis  departure  he  bad 
supposed  that  be  was  returning  borne  for  a visit  of 
a few  months  only,  and  that  he  should  speedily  go 
back  to  watch  the  progress  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. He  was  now  so  much  more  interested  in  this 
movement  than  in  any  other  matter,  that  he  was 
by  no  means  gratified  to  find  awaiting  him,  upon 
his  arrival,  an  invitation  from  President  Washing- 
ton to  fill  the  place  of  secretary  of  state.  He 
replied  that  he  did  not  prefer  the  change,  but  that 
he  would  be  governed  by  the  President’s  wishes. 
Washington  thereupon  wrote  again  in  very  urgent 
fashion,  and  Madison  made  a visit  to  Monticello 
for  the  express  purpose  of  exerting  his  personal 
influence.'  Beneath  such  pressure  Jefferson  reluc- 
tantly abandoned  his  hope  of  remaining  abroad, 
and  accepted  the  secretaryship,  only  stipulating  for 
a few  weeks  for  setting  in  order  his  private  affairs. 
It  was  not  until  March  21,  1790,  that  he  arrived 
in  New  York  and  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his 
office. 


88 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


In  those  days  the  cabinet  consisted  of  only 
four  persons.  John  Jay  had  been  acting  tempo- 
rarily as  secretary  of  state,  but  with-  the  under- 
standing that  he  should  be  made  chief  justice  so 
soon  as  a permanent  secretary  could  be  appointed  ; 
Hamilton  had  been  made  secretary  of  the  trea- 
sury immediately  after  Washington’s  inauguration  ; 
about  the  same  time  Knox  had  been  appointed 
secretary  of  war,  and  later  Edmund  Randolph  had 
been  made  attorney-general.  The  great  brunt  of 
the  labor  in  the  organization  of  public  affairs  had 
fallen  and  still  rested  upon  Hamilton,  who  had  en- 
countered the  vast  and  complex  task  with  magnifi- 
cent spirit  and  ability.  By  the  time  that  Jefferson 
came  to  share  in  the  business  of  government,  all 
questions  concerning  the  foreign  debt  and  the  do- 
mestic national  debt  had  been  disposed  of  by  Con- 
gress in  accordance  with  Hamilton’s  recommenda- 
tions. But  there  still  remained,  as  a bone  of  fierce 
contention,  the  secretary’s  scheme  for  the  assump- 
tion by  the  United  States  of  the  war  debts  of  the 
individual  States  ; and  concerning  this  the  opposing 
parties  had  been  wrought  up  to  a pitch  of  exceed- 
ing bitterness  and  excitement.  In  committee  of 
the  whole  in  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
assumption  had  been  carried  by  thirty-one  yeas  tjo 
twenty-six  nays ; but  when  the  question  came  to  be 
taken  in  the  House  proper  the  representatives  from 
North  Carolina  had  arrived,  and  aided  in  turning 
the  scale,  so  that  on  March  29  the  measure  was 
voted  down.  From  the  condition  of  feeling  it  was 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


89 


evident  that  a serious  crisis  already  menaced  the 
young  nation.  Congress  met  daily  and  adjourned 
without  transacting  any  business ; the  hostile  fac- 
tions could  not  work  together  upon  any  subject, 
and,  indeed,  nobody  cared  to  think  or  talk  of  any- 
thing save  assumption.  Threats  of  disunion  were 
heard  on  all  sides.  Hamilton  contemplated  the 
emergency  with  profound  anxiety,  for  the  Treasury 
Department  carried  within  itself  the  fate  of  the 
new  government ; and  upon  his  financiering  really 
depended  the  existence  of  a people.  The  momen- 
tous struggle  called  forth  all  the  resources  of  his 
ingenious  and  fertile  mind.  While  he  kept  up  a 
steady  fight  all  along  the  front,  he  also  set  himself 
to  devise  a flank  movement,  and  in  this  manoeuvre 
he  resolved  to  make  use  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 

It  happened  opportunely  that  the  selection  of  a 
site  for  the  national  capital  had  given  rise  to  an 
eager  sectional  division  in  Congress.  The  South- 
ern  States  wanted  it  on  the  Potomac  ; the  Middle 
and  Eastern  States  wished  it  to  be  farther  north. 
The  northern  party  had  prevailed  by  a narrow  ma- 
jority. Now  it  was  fortunately  the  case  that  the 
parties  in  the  assumption  debate  had  divided  by 
the  like  sectional  lines  ; the  Middle  and  Eastern 
States  were  in  favor  of  assumption ; the  Southern 
States  were  opposed  to  it ; and  in  this  matter  the 
South  had  prevailed,  also  by  a slender  majority. 
The  opportunity  for  a bargain  was  obvious ; the 
temptation  to  it  was  irresistible ; the  justification 
was  sufficiently  satisfactory.  Hamilton  accordingly 


90 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


I 

I 


resolved  to  buy  two  or  three  votes  for  his  assump- 
tion scheme  at  the  price  of  the  required  number  of 
votes  for  the  Potomac  site.  In  this  bit  of  political 
commerce  he  selected  Jefferson  as  an  efficient  part- 
ner. So  one  day,  meeting  Jefferson  in  the  street, 
Hamilton  walked  with  him  and  discussed  the  mat- 
ter. He  depicted  the  national  jeopardy  in  woeful 
colors,  and  movingly  besought  Jefferson  to  use  his 
influence  with  some  of  his  friends  and  to  save  the 
Union.  Jefferson  replied  that  he  was  “ really  a 
stranger  to  the  whole  subject,”  but  that  the  preser- 
vation of  the  country  touched  him  nearly,  and  he 
begged  Hamilton  to  dine  with  him  the  next  day, 
to  meet  one  or  two  more  whom  he  would  invite, 
in  the  hope  that  together  they  might  devise  some 
acceptable  “ compromise.”  The  dinner  came  off ; 
Jefferson  afterward  wrote  that  he  himself  “ could 
take  no  part  in  [the  discussion]  but  an  exhortatory 
one,”  because  he  was  a “ stranger  to  the  circum- 
stances which  should  govern  it.”  But  the  bargain 
was  then  and  there  struck  ; and  at  that  dinner-table 
assumption  was  bought  at  the  price  of  a capital  on 
the  Potomac.  The  terms  of  the  agreement  were 
punctually  fulfilled.  The  requisite  number  of 
votes  were  delivered,  on  both  sides,  and  Hamilton’s 
financial  policy  prevailed  without  mutilation.  I » 
Soon,  however,  Jefferson  found  himself  deeply 
repenting  his  share  in  this  transaction.  He  began 
to  doubt  whether  assumption  was  really  wise  and 
right,  and  he  plainly  saw  that  from  a personal  and 
selfish  point  of  view  he  had  blundered  seriously. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


91 


For  he  had  greatly  aided  the  prestige  and  influence 
of  one  who  soon  became  his  most  formidable  polit- 
ical opponent,  and  he  had  been  largely  efficient  in 
achieving  the  success  of  a measure  which  his  party 
was  forthwith  to  single  out  for  especial  denuncia- 
tion. When,  therefore,  he  was  pushed  ere  long  to 
find  explanations  of  this  compromising  fellowship 
with  Hamilton,  he  behaved  like  the  fox  who  gnaws 
off  his  own  leg  to  escape  from  the  trap  : he  sacri- 
ficed, by  denial,  one  of  the  most  marked  of  his 
mental  traits,  his  political  astuteness  ; he  said  that 
he  had  been  tricked  by  Hamilton,  and  made  a dupe 
and  tool  in  a department  of  business  with  which 
he  was  unfamiliar,  that  he  had  been  “ most  igno- 
rantly and  innocently  made  to  hold  the  candle”  for 
the  wicked  game  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury. 
Such  a defense  seemed  a bad  advertisement  of  his 
fitness  for  political  leadership,  and  was  otherwise 
so  poor  and  incredible  that  it  would  not  have  been 
resorted  to,  could  any  other  have  been  devised. 
The  bargain  which  had  been  made  was  perfectly 
plain  and  simple,  at  least  in  respect  of  political 
morality,  and  so  far  as  this  went  could  be  ex- 
plained and  comprehended  in  five  minutes.  As 
for  the  soundness  of  the  policy  of  assumption,  J ef- 
fferson  could  have  heard  little  else  talked  about 
since  his  arrival  at  New  York.  He  knew  the  bit- 
terness of  the  contest  concerning  it,  and,  if  he  had 
not  made  up  his  mind  about  it,  he  was  rash  in 
taking  sides  so  decisively.  But  even  if  he  had 
been  rash,  he  was  not  therefore  entitled  to  abuse 


92 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Hamilton  for  setting  forth  and  promoting  his  own 
views.1  The  truth  is  not,  however,  buried  out  of 
sight  beneath  his  excuses  and  explanation  of  his 
action.  This  truth  is,  that  he  was  asked  and  that 
he  consented  to  take  a part  before  he  compre- 
hended or  even  suspected  the  powerful  formative 
energies  which  ran  under  the  surface  of  Hamilton’s 
financial  measures,  like  sine\*s  beneath  the  skin. 
He  was,  therefore,  willing  enough  to  help  forward 
a measure  upon  which  seemed  to  depend  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  Union,  and  of  which  the  remoter 
bearing  and  effects  lay  beyond  his  vision.  A little 
later  he  appreciated  that  Hamilton  had  not  only 
been  handling  the  finances  with  singular  technical 
skill,  but  had  also  been  so  shaping  all  his  measures 
that  they  had  constituted  so  many  tonic  doses 
administered  to  the  national  government,  strength- 
ening it,  confirming  it  in  the  interests  of  an  influ- 
ential portion  of  the  community,  and  exercising 
a powerful  centralizing  influence.  When  all  this 
dawned  upon  Jefferson’s  understanding,  he  was 
filled  with  horror  and  indignation  at  the  share  he 
had  unwittingly  taken  in  promoting  principles  of 
government  which  he  abominated.  Also  he  was 
seriously  irritated  at  the  inconvenient  light  in  which 
he  had  thus  been  made  to  appear  before  those  with 
whom  he  sought  political  fellowship  and  authority. 
Then,  his  eyes  being  at  last  opened,  anger  against 

1 As  evidence  that  Jefferson  understood  very  well  what  he  was 
about,  and  had  his  own  wishes  in  the  matter,  see  his  letter  to 
Monroe  of  June  20,  1790,  and  letter  to  Gilmer  of  June  27,  1790. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


93 


Hamilton  induced  him  to  assert  that  Hamilton  had 
outwitted  him  by  taking  unfair  advantage  of  his 
inexperience. 

Jefferson  was  no  financier.  The  shrewd  good 
sense  which  he  had  displayed  in  managing  his  own 
business,  as  a planter,  was  superseded  by  an  un- 
controllable passion  for  theorizing  when  he  came 
to  grapple  with  the  great  and  intricate  problems 
of  national  finances.  At  times  he  wandered  into 
the  wildest  and  most  absurd  vagaries.  Thus,  only 
a few  months  before  he  took  his  seat  in  the  cabinet, 
he  had  been  much  pleased  with  a novel  idea  that 
had  struck  him  concerning  “ a question  of  such 
consequences  as  not  only  to  merit  decision,  but  place 
also  among  the  fundamental  principles  of  every 
government.”  It  is  with  some  astonishment  that 
the  patient  reader  follows  through  several  pages  of 
guileless  argument  the  development  of  this  grand, 
fundamental,  newly-discovered  truth,  and  finally 
learns  the  confounding  doctrine:  that  no  public  debt 
can  rightfully  survive  the  generation  which  con- 
tracts it ! The  daring  and  original  logician  starts 
with  the  “ self-evident  ” proposition  that  “ the  earth 
belongs  in  usufruct  to  the  living ; that  the  dead 
have  neither  powers  nor  rights  over  it.”  But,  he 
says,  if  a debt  survives  the  generation  which  con- 
tracts it,  then  the  subsequent  generation  takes  “ the 
earth  ” subject  to  a burden  imposed  by  and  for  the 
dead.  This  must  needs  be  wrong,  since  it  is  coun- 
ter to  a “ self-evident  ” premise.  Assuming,  he  said, 
that  men  come  of  age  at  twenty-one,  and  that  the 


94 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


majority  of  those  who  are  alive  at  twenty-one  will 
live  thirty-four  years  more,  it  follows  that  a genera- 
tion may  contract  debts  to  run  thirty-four  years 
and  no  longer.  This  period  he  afterward  reduced 
to  nineteen  years ; for  “ a generation  consisting  of 
all  ages,  and  which  legislates  by  all  its  members 
above  the  age  of  twenty-one  years,  cannot  contract 
for  so  long  a time,  because  their  majority  will  be 
dead  much  sooner.”  It  is  at  once  ludicrous,  pitiful, 
and  alarming  to  hear  such  rubbish  from  an  influen- 
tial leader  of  the  people.  After  listening  to  it  one 
is  not  surprised  to  hear  that,  in  criticising  the  work 
of  one  of  the  greatest  financiers  whom  the  world 
has  ever  seen,  Jefferson  made  but  a sorry  show. 

Nevertheless,  being  profoundly  unconscious  of  his 
own  incapacity  in  this  department  of  knowledge, 
Jefferson  did  not  refrain  from  free  indulgence  in 
such  dangerous  criticism.  He  was  wont  to  say 
that  Hamilton’s  financial  system  was  designed  to 
serve  as  a puzzle  for  excluding  popular  understand- 
ing and  inquiry.  In  1802  he  wrote  to  Gallatin 
concerning  Hamilton : — 

“ In  order  that  he  might  have  the  entire  government 
of  his  machine,  he  determined  so  to  complicate  it  as  that 
neither  the  President  nor  Congress  should  he  able  t(f 
understand  it  or  to  control  him.  He  succeeded  in  doing 
this,  not  only  beyond  their  reach,  but  so  that  he  himself 
could  not  unravel  it.  He  gave  to  the  debt  in  the  first 
instance,  in  funding  it,  the  most  artificial  and  mysterious 
form  he  could  devise.  He  then  moulded  up  his  appro- 
priations of  a number  of  scraps  and  remnants,  many  of 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


95 


which  were  nothing  at  all,  and  applied  them  to  different 
objects  in  reversion  and  remainder,  until  the  whole  sys- 
tem was  involved  in  impenetrable  fog.” 

He  actually  reiterated  this  declaration  so  late  as 
1818,  long  after  the  perfect  practical  success  of 
that  renowned  system  had  constituted  its  unan- 
swerable vindication.  But  it  is  not  probable  that 
he  was  disingenuous  in  his  abuse,  for  certainly 
Hamilton’s  financiering  was  from  the  beginning, 
and  ever  remained,  a “puzzle”  utterly  insoluble  for 
Mr.  Jefferson.  Nevertheless  he  persisted  in  a blind 
hatred  and  denunciation,  eloquent  enough  while 
he  confined  himself  to  generalities,  but,  so  often 
as  he  turned  to  more  specific  fault-finding,  mani- 
festing a surprising  ignorance  of  economic  prin- 
ciples and  a hopeless  confusion  of  thought.  Yet  a 
distinguishing  feature  of  Hamilton’s  system  was  its 
grand,  plain  simplicity,  not  only  in  its  broad  out- 
lines, but  in  matters  of  detail  and  technique.  His 
reports  to  Congress  were  lucid  to  a degree  which 
makes  them  comprehensible  to  a woman  or  a child. 
It  befell,  however,  very  fortunately  for  Jefferson, 
that  he  had  not  much  fighting  to  do  in  a field  in 
which  he  was  so  little  at  home.  By  the  time  that 
the  antagonism  between  him  and  Hamilton  had 
become  fairly  developed,  all  the  principal  features 
of  Hamilton’s  financial  scheme,  except  only  the 
national  bank,  had  become  complete  and  adopted 
parts  of  the  governmental  machinery.  It  was  not 
necessary,  therefore,  to  encounter  them  with  argu- 
ment, but  only  to  revile  them  in  a broad  way. 


96 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


It  has  been  said  that  Washington  formed  his 
cabinet  with  a deliberate  purpose  of  amalgamating 
parties  by  bringing  together,  as  political  comrades, 
the  two  chief  representatives  of  ojDposing  opinions. 
This  erroneous  statement  has  been  sustained  by 
two  other  incorrect  propositions,  namely,  (1)  that 
Jefferson  was  opposed  to  the  Constitution  which 
Hamilton  befriended,  a theory  already  shown  to 
be  untrue ; (2)  that  he  and  Hamilton  had  re- 
spectively from  the  beginning  established  policies 
antagonistic  to  each  other,  which  is  a palpable  mis- 
representation. For  a while  all  was  doubtful  and 
tentative  concerning  both  men  and  measures  in  the 
new  government,  although  the  outcome  now  appears 
to  have  been  so  strictly  in  accordance  with  the 
logic  of  circumstances,  and  the  native  bent  and 
qualities  of  the  different  individuals,  that  it  is  diffi- 
cult not  to  carry  back  the  later  opinions  and  know- 
ledge to  a date  at  which  neither  could  have  existed. 
It  took  some  time  for  this  logic  and  these  qualities 
to  become  apparent  to  the  chief  actors,  who  learned 
each  other’s  ways  of  thinking  only  by  degrees. 
Meanwhile  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  met  upon  a 
friendly  footing,  and  for  a time  apparently  enter- 
tained no  suspicion  that  they  would  not  be  able  to 
pursue  an  harmonious  policy.  Indeed,  there  hardly  ( 
were  at  first  two  parties  or  two  systems  of  national 
politics  in  the  country.  The  material  for  forming 
these  lay  ready  at  hand  in  the  natural  constitution 
of  men’s  minds,  but  it  still  reposed  like  ore  in  the 
mine,  half  unseen  and  wholly  unshaped.  There 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


97 


were  those  who  always  instinctively  said  Nay  to  all 
proposals  coming-  from  Hamilton ; but  they  were 
not  an  organized  party,  and  had  no  defined  policy 
of  their  own.  It  was  very  gradually  that  what 
deserved  to  he  called  a hostile  school  of  political 
thought  was  developed  by  the  measures  of  the  gov- 
ernment. Only  as  the  Hamiltonian  structure  grew 
piece  by  piece  did  the  design  of  the  builder  appear 
to  be  much  more  comprehensive  than  had  been  at 
first  understood.  Then  it  was  seen  that  Hamilton, 
besides  substituting  order  for  confusion,  and  sol- 
vency for  insolvency,  had  also  been  creating  a very 
powerful  governmental  machine ; then  men  saw 
how  deep  down  in  the  nation  he  had  succeeded  in 
setting  the  foundations  of  the  government,  and 
what  extensive  powers  he  had  grasped  for  it  by 
construing  the  Constitution  to  his  purpose.  They 
remembered  that  he  theoretically  believed  in  a 
monarchical  form,  and  they  saw  that  he  was  fast 
making  this  republican  government  not  less  strong 
and  centralized  than  a limited  monarchy.  Then 
the  men  of  democratic  minds  became  combined 
together  through  their  common  alarm ; and  as  no 
man  was  more  thoroughly  democratic  than  Jeffer- 
son, so  no  man  was  more  profoundly  alarmed.  We 
have  but  to  recall  his  talk  about  the  charms  of 
newspapers  without  a government,  and  about  the 
excellence  of  the  Indian  form  of  polity,  to  conceive 
the  horror  with  which  he  beheld  this  rapid  trans- 
formation of  a federal  league  into  a national  unit. 
No  sooner  did  he  get  a notion  of  the  ruinous  course 


98 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


by  which  Hamilton  was  steering  the  ship  than  he 
began  to  whisper  warnings  among  the  passengers, 
to  organize  a species  of  mutiny  against  one  who, 
in  truth,  had  no  more  exclusive  right  to  the  helm 
than  he  himself  had.  So  the  period  of  confidence 
between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson  endured  only  for 
a limited  time,  and,  though  they  remained  personal 
friends  for  a short  while  after  they  had  become 
political  opponents,  yet  such  accusations  and  per- 
sonalities as  were  soon  cast  against  each  by  the 
friends  and  followers  of  the  other  ere  long  de- 
stroyed all  traces  of  good  feeling,  and  thereafter 
they  distrusted  and  hated  each  other,  and  fought 
and  denounced  each  other  bitterly,  and  believed 
every  possible  ill  of  each  other  during  the  rest  of 
their  lives. 

Most  unfortunately  for  his  own  good  fame,  Jef- 
ferson allowed  himself  to  be  drawn  by  this  feud 
into  the  preparation  of  the  famous  “ Anas.”  His 
friends  have  hardly  dared  to  undertake  a defense 
of  those  terrible  records,  and  the  very  manner  of 
those  apologies  which  some  have  ventured  to  pre- 
sent has  been  fatal  to  their  efficacy.  The  editor  of 
the  congressional  edition  of  Jefferson’s  works  ex- 
cuses the  insertion  of  these  post-mortuary  slanders 
on  the  ground  of  editorial  duty,  and  only  reluc- 1 
tantly  suffers  himself  to  become  the  formal  agent  of 
their  perpetuation.  But  there  is  no  symptom  that 
Jefferson  thought  that  it  was  unbecoming  in  him 
to  set  down  all  the  idle  rumors,  the  slander  and 
gossip  received  at  third  and  fourth  hand,  the  mali- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


99 


cious  tales  of  enemies,  aimed  at  the  good  fame  of 
an  adversary  who,  at  least,  had  never  dealt  him  an 
unfair  blow,  and  to  leave  this  odious  collection  of 
poisonous  scraps  to  be  published  not  only  after  the 
death  of  that  adversary,  and  so  late  that  no  sub- 
stantial opportunity  of  contradictions  by  contem- 
porary evidence  remained,  but  also  after  his  own 
death,  so  that  he  could  not  be  called  upon  to  sus- 
tain his  statements,  or  punished  for  failure  to  do  1 
so.  It  must  be  confessed  that  the  compilation  of 
these  unfortunate  and  most  disreputable  fragments 
is  among  the  meanest  acts  recorded  by  history,  and 
that  it  has  more  impaired  Jefferson’s  good  name 
than  all  the  other  mistakes  of  his  life  and  all  the 
assaults  of  his  enemies.  Had  he  been  able  to  resist 
the  temptation  to  seek  such  an  ignoble  revenge  on 
a dead  foe,  he  would  have  lived  in  history  as  a man 
of  a far  more  honorable  spirit  than  can  now  be 
attributed  to  him. 


CHAPTER  IX 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE.  — GROWTH  OF  DISSENSIONS 

Jefferson  was  the  most  astute  and  successful 
politician  who  has  yet  flourished  in  a country  sin- 
gularly and  unfortunately  prolific  of  this  not  very 
estimable  race.  But  he  was  very  much,  more  than 
a politician,  and  he  added  something  even  to  the 
essential  traits  of  a statesman  ; he  was  a profound 
thinker  concerning  the  theory  of  government  and 
the  principles  of  social  and  political  organization. 

In  full  accord  with  the  new  spirit  of  his  era,  he  was 
a radical  even  among  radicals,  and  a democrat  of 
the  extreme  class.  He  could  hardly  bring  himself 
to  declare  that  the  people  should  govern,  because 
he  had  a lurking  notion  that  there  should  be  no 
government  at  all.  “ The  rights  of  man,”  the 
favorite  slang  phrase  of  the  day,  signified  to  his 
mind  an  almost  entire  absence  of  governmental 
control.  His  milder  .opponents  called  him  a vision- 
ary, and  the  hopeless  impracticability  of  many  of  1 
his  theories  almost  justified  the  term.  His  more 
bitter  assailants  stigmatized  him  as  dishonest ; and 
there  certainly  was  an  element  of  disingenuousness 
in  his  character,  a covert  habit  in  his  dealings, 
and  a carelessness  concerning  the  truth  in  small 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


101 


matters.  But  his  belief  in  the  doctrines  of  human 
freedom  was  a pure  and  deep  conviction,  an  inerad- 
icable portion  of  his  nature.  His  faith  in  the 
laxest  form  of  democracy,  scarcely  removed  from 
anarchy,  stood  to  him  in  the  place  of  a religion  ; 
he  preached  it  with  a fervor,  intensity,  and  con- 
stancy worthy  of  Mahomet  or  Wesley.  It  was  an 
inevitable  consequence  of  this  vehement  conviction 
that  he  regarded  supporters  of  contrary  principles 
with  distrust  and  abhorrence  as  wicked  men,  con- 
scious promulgators  of  falsehood  in  the  most  im- 
portant of  all  human  concerns.  Evil  reports  con- 
cerning them  seemed  so  intrinsically  probable  as 
always  to  command  his  ready  belief ; and  there  is 
no  evidence  that  he  ever  refused  to  credit  any  mali- 
cious tale  repeated  against  them,  no  matter  how 
tainted  in  its  origin  or  progress.  He  was  observant 
and  quick-witted,  and  soon  appreciated  the  skill 
with  which  Hamilton  was  rapidly  constructing  a 
powerful  centralized  government.  At  Hamilton’s 
back  he  beheld  a disciplined  body  of  able  and  am- 
bitious men,  some  filling  places  of  public  trast  and 
power,  others  absorbing  wealth,  all  in  one  shape 
or  another  acquiring  an  extensive  and  irresistible 
influence  in  the  body  politic  and  social.  Jefferson 
gazed  upon  this  portentous  growth  with  dread  and 
repulsion.  He  saw  enough  to  induce  him  fearfully 
to  anticipate  the  destruction  of  human  freedom  in 
the  United  States,  and  he  suspected  much  more 
than  he  saw.  As  he  peered  into  the  mystery  of 
the  Federalist  policy,  the  vision  of  monarchy  took 


102 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


shape  before  his  eyes  and  long  remained  with  him, 
an  ever  present  and  vivid  terror.  Henceforth  in 
every  measure  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  he 
discerned  an  artful  move  in  the  monarchical  game  ; 
at  every  social  gathering  of  Federalists  he  seemed 
to  hear  the  whispered  plots  of  “ Monocrats.”  If 
gentlemen,  flushed  with  wine  after  dinner,  made 
statements  far  outrunning  their  sober  beliefs,  their 
extravagant  words  were  borne  in  exaggerated  form 
to  Jefferson’s  ears,  were  magnified  by  his  excited 
mind,  and  were  stored  away  by  him  as  conclusive 
evidence  of  monarchical  projects.  The  idea  became 
a monomania  with  him.>  He  wrote  it  to  his  friends; 
he  jotted  it  down  on  the  scraps  of  paper  which 
aftei’ward  were  gathered  together  for  the  “ Anas  ; ” 
he  mournfully  bore  the  gossip  to  Washington,  and 
was  not  to  be  deterred  from  repeating  it,  though 
the  President  told  him  that  he  was  talking  non- 
sense. 

Long  afterward,  looking  back  upon  this  period, 
Jefferson  declared  that  these  dreadful  monarchical 
tendencies  had  been  visible  to  him  from  the  earliest 
days  of  his  arrival  in  New  York. 

“ The  President,”  he  says,  “ received  me  cordially, 
and  my  colleagues  and  the  whole  circle  of  principal  citi- 
zens apparently  with  welcome.  The  courtesies  of  both 
political  parties,  given  me  as  a stranger  newly  arrived 
among  them,  placed  me  at  once  in  their  familiar  society. 
But  I cannot  describe  the  wonder  and  mortification  with 
which  the  table  conversations  filled  me.  Politics  were 
the  chief  topic,  and  a preference  of  kingly  over  republi* 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


103 


can  government  was  evidently  the  favorite  sentiment. 
An  apostate  I could  not  be,  nor  yet  a hypocrite  ; and 
I found  myself,  for  the  most  part,  the  only  advocate  on 
the  republican  side  of  the  question,  unless  among  the 
guests  there  chanced  to  be  some  member  of  that  party 
from  the  legislative  houses.” 

These  sentences  linger  in  that  debatable  land, 
somewhere  in  which  exaggeration  passes  into  false- 
hood. Evidently,  in  looking  back  down  the  long 
vista  of  nearly  thirty  years,  Jefferson’s  vision  was 
indistinct.  If  he  had  really  been  plunged  into 
such  a chilling  bath  of  monai’chy  at  once  upon  his 
arrival  in  New  York,  he  would  have  cried  out 
promptly  at  the  sudden  shock,  and  left  contempo- 
raneous evidence  of  it;  whereas,  in  fact,  some 
time  elapsed  before  he  began  to  give  perceptible 
symptoms  of  distress  at  the  unsound  political  faith 
about  him.  Monarchy  was  doubtless  spoken  of  in 
a manner  offensive  to  his  democratic  ears.  The 
Constitution  was  a compromise  wholly  satisfac- 
tory to  no  one ; the  government  was  undeniably 
an  experiment ; and  its  probable  efficiency  was 
often  discussed  as  an  open  question.  Sentiments 
of  loyalty,  pride,  and  affection  had  not  had  time  to 
strike  deep  root.  But  Jefferson  made  a mistake 
in  construing  an  anxious  doubt  as  equivalent  to  ac- 
tive disaffection  ; and  was  guilty  of  a gross,  though 
certainly  an  unintentional,  injustice  in  charging 
the  advocates  of  a strong  system  with  a design  of 
changing  the  form  of  government.  He  was  driven 
beyond  his  reason  by  foolish  terrors  when  he 


104 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


spoke  of  Hamilton  as  the  enemy  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. Every  one  has  long  since  agreed  that  the 
Constitution  had  no  other  friend  nearly  so  efficient 
as  Hamilton.  No  man  living  had  better  means  of 
knowledge  concerning  these  matters  than  Wash- 
ington, and  no  man  was  intellectually  more  capable 
of  forming  a correct  judgment.  Yet  even  Jeffer- 
son could  not  in  his  “ Anas  ” set  down  the  lan- 
guage, which  the  President  held  to  him,  in  shape 
more  corroborative  of  his  views  than  this  : “ That 
with  respect  to  the  existing  causes  of  uneasiness, 
he  [Washington]  thought  there  were  suspicions 
against  a particular  party  [Hamilton]  which  had 
been  carried  a great  deal  too  far.  There  might  be 
desires,  but  he  did  not  believe  there  were  designs,  to 
change  the  form  of  government  into  a monarchy ; 
that  there  might  be  a few  who  wished  it  in  the 
higher  walks  of  life,  particularly  in  the  great  cities, 
but  that  the  main  body  of  the  people  in  the  East- 
ern States  were  as  steadily  for  republicanism  as  in 
the  Southern.”  Making  ever  so  slight  allowance 
for  refraction  by  reason  of  the  transmission  of 
these  words  through  the  Jeffersonian  medium,  we 
see  the  most  inadequate  basis  for  the  vast  pile  of 
Jefferson’s  suspicion. 

But  in  dealing  with  Jefferson’s  conduct,  it  is  not 
the  truth  which  must  be  sought  so  much  as  Jeffer- 
son’s idea  of  the  truth.  That  he  had  an  honest 
belief  in  the  monarchical  conspiracy,  and  in  the 
treasonable  designs  of  the  Hamiltonian  clique,  ap- 
pears certain.  Indeed,  if  he  began  with  a faith 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


105 


like  a grain  of  mustard  seed,  lie  must  soon  have 
caused  it  to  expand  into  a vigorous  tree,  so  lib- 
erally did  he  water  it  with  the  ceaseless  iteration 
and  reiteration  of  his  own  assertions.  Frequent 
repetition  of  a statement  assumes  in  time  the  as- 
pect of  evidence  ; and  what  he  said  so  often  he 
probably  at  last  came  to  believe.  Unquestionably 
he  induced  others  to  believe  it.  For  years  his  talk 
was  of  “ monarchists  ” and  “ monocrats,”  till  the 
reader  of  his  letters  and  memoirs  regards  these 
people  like  the  sea-serpent,  feels  that  it  would  be 
incongruous  if  so  familiar  a name  did  not  repre- 
sent some  real  existence,  and  in  a way  permits  the 
fiction  to  he  asserted  into  a reality.  There  was  an 
earnestness,  or,  as  he  himself  would  have  said,  a 
venom,  in  Jefferson’s  language,  when  he  dealt  with 
this  topic,  indicating  a force  and  depth  of  feeling 
hardly  to  be  adequately  conveyed  by  description, 
and  which  is  so  utterly  inappropriate  for  a fable 
that  it  seems  sufficiently  to  imply  truth. 

If  the  purpose  of  the  monarchical  party  was  ab- 
horrent to  Jefferson,  so  their  means  appeared  con- 
sonantly base.  The  decision  to  pay  in  full  not 
only  the  principal  of  the  domestic  debt,  but  also 
the  arrears  of  interest,  followed  by  the  assumption 
of  the  state  indebtedness,  furnished,  during  a year 
and  a half,,  opportunities  for  speculation  which 
were  availed  of  with  an  ardor  that  has  not  been 
surpassed  in  Wall  Street  in  our  own  generation. 
Naturally  those  who  gathered  in  the  securities  at 
low  prices  were  the  men  of  capital,  sagacity,  and 


106 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


enterprise,  who  lived  in  cities,  more  especially  resi- 
dents in  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  who  could 
best  forecast  congressional  action.  Naturally,  too, 
those  who  had  most  faith  in  Hamilton  plunged 
most  boldly  into  the  venture.  Jefferson,  there- 
fore, and  others  who  had  taken  fright  at  the  mo- 
narchical scarecrow,  were  scandalized  and  alarmed 
as  they  saw  the  supporters  of  Hamiltonian  mea- 
sures reaping  a great  harvest  of  wealth,  and  conse- 
quently of  political  power  and  social  consideration. 
They  began  to  charge  the  secretai'y  of  the  treasury 
with  winning  adherents  by  giving  opportunities  of 
growing  suddenly  and  enormously  rich.  That  great 
financial  system,  which  in  a few  brief  months  had 
raised  the  United  States  from  a condition  of  piti- 
ful and  ignoble  bankruptcy  to  the  status  of  a sol- 
vent power  in  excellent  credit,  wore,  to  Jefferson's 
suspicious  eyes,  the  aspect  of  a great,  complex,  and 
terribly  efficient  machine  for  building  up  in  the 
state  the  most  dangerous  kind  of  aristocratical 
party. 

His  dissatisfaction  was  further  nourished  by 
other  measures ; the  military  establishment  dis- 
gusted him,  because  he  abhorred  every  manifes- 
tation of  governmental  power  or  control.  The 
excise  seemed  odious,  because  he  thought  that  all  i 
branches  of  internal  taxation  ought  to  be  left  to 
the  States.  But  most  of  all  the  proposition  for  a 
national  bank  appeared  to  bristle  with  objection- 
able traits.  By  the  time  that  Hamilton  was  pre- 
pared to  push  this  project,  the  political  opei’ation 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


107 


of  his  financial  policy  was  fully  appreciated,  and 
indeed  greatly  exaggerated,  by  Jefferson  : nor  was 
it  longer  possible  for  the  treasury  party  to  coerce 
support  by  declaring  the  existence  of  the  Union  to 
be  at  stake.  This  bank  act  involved  first  a ques- 
tion of  law  and  then  one  of  expediency.  In  the 
former  aspect  it  presented  much  difficulty,  and 
Washington  asked  for  written  opinions  from  his 
cabinet  officers.  Hamilton  supported  it  in  an  ar- 
gument which  is  one  of  the  most  famous  of  our 
state  papers.  Jefferson  took  the  other  side  and 
argued  the  legal  point,  which  alone  he  understood, 
with  much  force  and  ability.  After  great  hesita- 
tion Washington  decided  to  sign  the  bill.  He  was 
always  reluctant  to  interfere  with  his  secretaries 
in  their  respective  departments  : furthermore,  if  he 
was  making  a constitutional  error  it  could  be  cor- 
rected by  the  Supreme  Court.  In  due  time  that  tri- 
bunal sustained  the  constitutionality  of  the  bank, 
Chief  Justice  Marshall  delivering  an  opinion  in 
which  he  added  nothing  to  the  reasoning  of  Hamil- 
ton. But  though  the  views  of  Jefferson  were  thus 
finally  rejected,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  the 
question,  regarded  as  one  purely  of  law,  might  just 
. as  well  or  better  have  been  determined  the  other 
way.  The  issue  was,  whether  a rigid  or  a liberal 
construction  should  be  given  to  the  general  clauses 
of  the  Constitution ; and  a bench  of  strict  con- 
structionists would  have  encountered  no  insuper- 
able legal  obstacles  in  the  way  of  sustaining  Jef- 
ferson. 


108 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


But  if  tlie  legal  and  constitutional  aspects  and 
the  political  bearing  of  this  measure  were  easily 
within  Jefferson’s  comprehension,  its  relations  to 
the  finances  and  business  of  the  country  were  far 
beyond  his  understanding.  He  proclaimed  the 
most  ignorant  theories,  and  talked  the  most  absurd 
twaddle  about  its  mischievous  introduction  of  pa- 
per money,  and  the  consequent  banishment  of  gold 
and  silver  from  circulation.  When  the  subscrip- 
tion books  were  opened,  he  saw  with  melancholy  ! 
forebodings  the  capitalists  rushing  forward  in  such 
eager  competition  that  much  more  than  the  capital 
stock  was  quickly  subscribed.  He  wrote  gloomily  ; 
to  Monroe  : “ Thus  it  is  that  we  shall  be  paying 
thirteen  per  cent,  per  annum  for  eight  millions  of 
paper  money,  instead  of  having  that  circulation  of 
gold  and  silver  for  nothing.  . . . For  the  paper 
emitted  from  the  bank,  seven  per  cent,  profits  will 
be  received  by  the  subscribers  for  it  as  bank 
paper,  . . . and  six  per  cent,  in  the  public  paper  i 
of  which  it  is  the  representative.  Nor  is  there 
any  reason  to  believe  that  either  the  six  millions 
of  paper  or  the  two  millions  of  specie  deposited 
will  not  be  suffered  to  be  withdrawn,  and  the 
paper  thrown  into  circulation.  The  cash  deposited 
by  strangers  for  safekeeping  will  probably  suffice  1 
for  cash  demands.”  He  was  probably  ignorant 
that  such  special  deposits  could  not  lawfully  be 
used  by  the  bank  at  all ; and  this  is  only  a sample 
of  his  general  lack  of  knowledge  in  all  matters  of 
business. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


109 


There  is  no  doubt  that  the  hank,  whether  consti- 
tutional or  not,  was  of  immense  advantage  to  the 
country;  but  Jefferson  could  see  iu  it  only  a pro- 
lific machine  for  turning  out  more  corrupt  support- 
ers of  that  dangerous  and  designing  monarchist, 
the  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Henceforth  his 
abuse- of  the  “ treasury  party,”  as  he  called  it,  re- 
doubled ; nor  did  he  ever  modify  this  opinion  to 
the  end  of  his  life.  In  his  introduction  to  the 
“Anas,”  in  1818,  he  recorded  that  “Hamilton  was 
not  only  a monarchist,  hut  for  a monarchy  bot- 
tomed on  corruption ; ” and  he  said  that  the  bank 
was  designed  as  an  “ engine  of  influence  more  per- 
manent ” for  corrupting  the  legislature  than  the 
funding  system  and  assumption  could  be.  Accord- 
ingly “ members  of  both  houses,”  he  said,  “ were 
constantly  kept  as  directors  who,  on  every  question 
interesting  to  that  institution  or  to  the  views  of  the 
federal  head,  voted  at  the  will  of  that  head ; and, 
together  with  the  stockholding  members,  could  al- 
ways make  the  Federal  vote  that  of  the  majority.” 
On  March  3,  1793,  discussing  Giles’s  famous  reso- 
lutions of  censure  on  Hamilton,  he  notes  “the  com- 
position of  the  House,  1,  of  bank  directors ; 2, 
holders  of  bank  stock ; 3,  stock  jobbers ; 4,  blind 
devotees ; 5,  ignorant  persons  who  did  not  compre- 
hend them*;  6,  lazy  and  good-humored  persons,  who 
comprehended  and  acknowledged  them,  yet  were 
too  lazy  to  examine,  or  unwilling  to  pronounce 
censure ; the  persons  who  knew  these  characters 
foresaw  that,  the  three  first  descriptions  making 


110 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


one  third  of  the  House,  the  three  latter  would 
make  one  half  of  the  residue.”  It  was  thus  that 
he  endeavored  to  account  for  the  ignominious  fail- 
ure of  the  anti-Federalist  attempt  to  establish  defi- 
nite charges  of  dishonesty  against  Hamilton ; and 
admitted  his  own  sympathy  with  the  blunder  of 
that  unfortunate  and  disastrous  measure. 

Another  thing  which  Jefferson  beheld  with  hor- 
ror was  the  national  debt.  Besides  the  speculation 
which  soon  ended  in  widespread  ruin,  he  conceived 
that  he  detected  a purpose  on  Hamilton’s  part  to 
use  this  debt  permanently,  in  some  ingenious  and 
covert  way,  as  a perpetual  resource  for  corrupting 
the  legislature.  The  fact  that  a portion  of  it  had 
been  made  “deferred”  for  a few  years,  convinced 
him  that  Hamilton  intended  never  to  let  the  people 
pay  what  they  owed  and  get  clear  of  obligation. 
Everybody,  he  said,  stood  in  dread  of  the  “ chickens 
of  the  treasury  ” and  their  “ many  contrivances.” 
“As  the  doctrine  is  that  a public  debt  is  a public 
blessing,  so  they  think  a perpetual  one  is  a perpet- 
ual blessing,  and  therefore  wish  to  make  it  so  large 
that  we  can  never  pay  it  off.”  He  could  not  be 
induced  to  renounce  this  suspicion,  even  when  a 
scheme  was  brought  forward  by  Hamilton  to  pro- 
mote payment  within  a short  period.  No  evidence  1 
ever  could  persuade  him  that  Hamilton  was  politi- 
cally honest,  and  no  lapse  of  time  could  allay  his 
prejudices. 

Washington,  meanwhile,  watched  with  profound 
concern  the  development  of  a spirit  of  antagonism 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


111 


and  distrust  between  his  chief  secretaries,  and  the 
coincident  organization  of  hostile  political  parties. 
He  himself,  elevated  to  office  by  the  whole  nation, 
was  resolved  to  hold  aloof  from  any  party  connec- 
tions. But  he  could  not  close  his  ears  to  the  cease- 
less din  of  accusations,  arguments,  and  complaints 
which  the  opposing  leaders  insisted  upon  making 
him  hear.  On  May  23, 1792,  Jefferson  wrote  to  the 
President  a long  letter  “ disburdening  ” himself 
concerning  a “ subject  of  inquietude  ” almost  coex- 
tensive with  the  whole  national  affairs.  He  intro- 
duced his  strictures  by  saying  “it  has  been  urged;” 
but  soon  he  warmed  with  his  work,  threw  off  the 
impersonality  of  this  phrase,  and  openly  delivered 
his  own  sentiments.  A public  debt,  he  said,  too 
great  to  be  paid  before  it  would  inevitably  be  in- 
creased by  new  circumstances,  had  been  “ artifi- 
cially created  by  adding  together  the  whole  amount 
of  the  debtor  and  creditor  sides  of  accounts ; ” the 
finances  had  been  managed  not  only  extravagantly 
but  so  as  to  create  “ a corrupt  squadron,  deciding 
the  voice  of  the  legislature,”  and  manifesting  “ a 
disposition  to  get  rid  of  the  limitations  imposed  by 
the  Constitution ; ” “ that  the  ultimate  object  of  all 
this  is  to  prepare  the  way  for  a change  from  the 
present  republican  form  of  government  to  that  of  a 
monarchy.”  He  was  positive  that  “ the  corruption 
of  the  legislature  ” would  prove  “ the  instrument 
for  producing  in  future  a king,  lords,  and  com- 
mons, or  whatever  else  those  who  direct  it  may 
choose.”  “ The  owers  of  the  debt  are  in  the  south- 


112 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ern  and  the  holders  of  it  in  the  northern  division,” 
so  that  a sectional  distribution  exists  fraught  with 
imminent  danger  of  dissolution  of  the  Union.  He 
is  so  convinced  that  nothing  save  Washington’s 
continuance  in  office  can  avert  this  peril,  that  he 
lays  aside  his  objections  to  a second  term,  and  im- 
plores the  President  not  to  think  of  retiring. 

These  same  apprehensions  he  reiterated  when- 
ever occasion  offered.  On  July  10,  1792,  he  urged 
upon  the  President  “ that  the  national  debt  was 
unnecessarily  increased,  and  that  it  had  furnished 
the  means  of  corrupting  both  branches  of  the  legis- 
lature ; that  . . . there  was  a considerable  squad- 
ron in  both,  whose  votes  were  devoted  to  the  paper 
and  stock-jobbing  interests,  . . . that  on  examin- 
ing the  votes  of  these  men  they  would  be  found 
uniformly  for  every  treasury  measure,  and  that  as 
most  of  these  measures  had  been  carried  by  small 
majorities,  they  were  carried  by  these  very  votes.” 

Two  or  three  months  earlier  he  had  told  Wash- 
ington that  all  existing  discontents  were  to  be  at- 
tributed to  the  Treasury  Department : 

“ that  a system  had  there  been  contrived  for  deluging 
the  States  with  paper  money  instead  of  gold  and  silver, 
for  withdrawing  our  citizens  from  the  pursuits  of  com- 
merce, manufactures,  building,  and  other  branches  of 
useful  industry,  to  occupy  themselves  and  their  capitals 
in  a species  of  gambling,  destructive  of  morality,  and 
which  had  introduced  its  poison  into  the  government 
itself.  That  it  was  a fact  . . . that  particular  mem- 
bers of  the  legislature,  while  those  laws  were  on  the 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


113 


carpet,  had  feathered  their  nests  with  paper,  had  then 
voted  for  the  laws  ; . . . that  they  had  now  brought  for- 
ward a proposition  far  beyond  any  one  ever  yet  advanced, 
and  to  which  the  eyes  of  many  were  turned  as  the  de- 
cision which  was  to  let  us  know  whether  we  live  under  a 
limited  or  an  unlimited  government.” 

This  reference  bore  upon  that  part  of  Hamil- 
ton’s famous  report  on  manufactures  “ which,  un- 
der color  of  giving  bounties  for  the  encouragement 
of  particular  manufactures,”  was  designed  to  grasp 
for  Congress  control  of  all  matters  “ which  they 
should  deem  for  the  public  welfare  and  which 
[were]  susceptible  of  the  application  of  money,” 
as  certainly  few  matters  were  not.  On  October  1, 
1792,  he  says  that  he  told  Washington  : 

“ That  though  the  people  were  sound,  there  were  a 
numerous  sect  who  had  monarchy  in  contemplation  ; 
that  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  was  one  of  these. 
That  I had  heard  him  say  that  this  Constitution  was  a 
shilly-shally  thing  of  mere  milk  and  water,  which  could 
not  last  and  was  only  good  as  a step  to  something  better. 
That  when  we  reflected  that  he  had  endeavored  in  the 
convention  to  make  an  English  Constitution  of  it,  and 
when,  failing  in  that,  we  saw  all  his  measures  tending 
to  bring  it  to  the  same  thing,  it  was  natural  for  us  to 
be  jealous  ; and  particularly  when  we  saw  that  these 
measures  had  established  corruption  in  the  legislature, 
where  there  was  a squadron  devoted  to  the  nod  of  the 
Treasury,  doing  whatever  he  had  directed  and  ready  to 
do  what  he  should  direct.” 

On  February  7,  1793,  he  again  said  that  the  ill- 


114 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


feeling  at  tlie  South  was  due  to  a belief  in  the 
existence  “ of  a corrupt  squadron  of  voters  in  Con- 
gress, at  the  command  of  the  Treasury,”  suf- 
ciently  numerous  to  make  the  laws  the  reverse  of 
what  they  would  have  been  had  only  honest  votes 
been  east. 

It  was  seldom  that  Jefferson  was  at  the  trouble 
to  aim  a shaft  directly  at  any  one  save  Hamilton ; 
but  once,  May  8,  1791,  he  took  an  insidious  side- 
shot  at  John  Adams.  “ I am  afraid,”  he  wrote  to 
Washington,  “the  indiscretion  of  a printer  has 
committed  me  with  my  friend,  Mr.  Adams,  for 
whom,  as  one  of  the  most  honest  and  disinterested 
men  alive,  I have  a cordial  esteem,  increased  by 
long  habits  of  concurrence  in  opinion  in  the  days 
of  his  republicanism  ; and  even  since  his  apostasy 
to  hereditary  monarchy  and  nobility,  though  we 
differ,  we  differ  as  friends  should  do.” 

What  he  said  to  Washington  he  said  and  wrote 
also  to  others.  So  early  as  February  4,  1791,  he 
wrote  to  Colonel  Mason  that  “ it  cannot  be  de- 
nied that  we  have  among  us  a sect  who  believe  it 
[the  English  Constitution]  to  contain  whatever  is 
perfect  in  human  institutions ; that  the  members 
of  this  sect  have,  many  of  them,  names  and  offices 
which  stand  high  in  the  estimation  of  our  country- 
men.” July  29,  1791,  writing  to  Thomas  Paine, 
he  speaks  of  a “ sect  here,  high  in  name,  but  small 
in  numbers,”  who  had  been  indulging  a false  hope 
that  the  people  were  undergoing  conversion  “ to  the 
doctrine  of  kings,  lords,  and  commons ; ” but  he 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


115 


politely  adds  that  this  delusion  has  been  “ checked 
at  least,”  and  the  people  “ confirmed  in  their  good 
old  faith,”  by  the  recent  publication  of  Paine’s 
“ Rights  of  Man.”  To  Lafayette  he  writes,  J une 
16,  1792  : “ A sect  has  shown  itself  among  us  who 
declare  they  espoused  our  new  Constitution,  not  as 
a good  and  sufficient  thing  in  itself,  but  only  as  a 
step  to  an  English  Constitution,  the  only  thing 
good  and  sufficient  in  itself  in  their  eye.  . . . Too 
many  of  these  stock-jobbers  and  king-jobbers  have 
come  into  our  legislature  : or,  rather,  too  many  of 
our  legislature  have  become  stock-jobbers  and  king- 
jobbers.” 

During  this  prolonged  stress  of  anxiety  and 
alarm,  Jefferson,  who  was  unquestionably  a sincere 
patriot  and  honest  in  his  opinions,  sought  encour- 
agement in  such  evidence  of  republican  sentiment 
as  he  could  discover  in  the  mass  of  the  people. 
His  faith  and  reliance  were  always  in  numbers, 
and  in  the  vast  bulk  of  the  population,  rather  than 
in  the  politicians  and  upper  classes  of  society,  who 
appeared  more  prominently  upon  the  surface.  Ac- 
cordingly he  never  missed  an  opportunity  of  drop- 
ping his  plummet  into  the  mighty  depths  beneath  ; 
and  if  he  discovered  those  profound  currents  to  be 
in  accord  with  his  own  tendencies,  as  he  always 
expected  to  do,  and  generally  did,  he  refreshed  his 
wearied  spirit  with  the  instinctive  anticipation  that 
these  would  control  the  course  of  the  country  at  no 
distant  time.  Herein  lay  his  deep  wisdom ; he 
enjoyed  a political  vision  penetrating  deeper  down 


116 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


into  the  inevitable  movement  of  popular  govern- 
ment, and  farther  forward  into  the  future  trend  of 
free  institutions,  than  was  possessed  by  any  other 
man  in  public  life  in  his  day.  He  had  sound  con- 
fidence that  the  multitude,  led  by  a single  able 
strategist  like  himself,  was  sure  in  time  to  outvote 
and  overpower  the  much  smaller  body  of  educated 
men  who  understood  and  admired  the  statesman- 
ship of  Hamilton. 

But  concerning  this  confidence  of  Jefferson  in 
the  people,  which  must  be  so  constantly  borne  in 
mind  in  order  to  comprehend  his  character,  some 
observations  should  be  made.  Not  merely  did  he 
appreciate  and  foresee  their  invincible  power  in 
politics,  but  he  had  perfect  faith  in  the  desirability 
of  the  exercise  of  that  power  ; he  anticipated  that 
in  this  exercise  the  masses  would  always  show  wis- 
dom and  discrimination,  that  they  would  select  the 
most  able  and  most  honest  men  in  the  country  to 
preside  over  the  national  affairs,  men  like  himself 
and  Mr.  Madison.  It  was  a delightful  ideal  of  a 
body  politic  which  he  had  before  his  eyes,  wherein 
a huge  volume  of  human  poverty  and  ignorance 
would  be  always  pleased  to  recognize  and  set  over 
itself  a few  exalted  individuals  of  lofty  character 
and  distinguished  intelligence.  In  his  day  it  was 
still  a question  how  poverty  and  ignorance  would 
behave  in  politics  ; and  it  was  his  firm  expectation 
that  they  would  behave  with  modesty  and  self-ab- 
negation. It  was  a kindly  belief,  but  indicative  of 
the  enthusiast.  He  deserves  the  praise  of  thinking 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


117 


better  of  his  fellow  men  than  they  deserve.  If  he 
could  see  what  sort  of  men  have  in  fact  satisfied 
the  people  since  his  doctrines  have  become  devel- 
oped, he  would  probably  greatly  modify  them. 
His  notion  of  a democratic  polity  had  as  its  main 
principle  that  the  multitude  should  select  the  best 
men,  and,  after  that  expectation  had  been  once  dis- 
proved by  fair  and  sufficient  experience,  he  would 
almost  undoubtedly  have  abandoned  his  doctrine 
in  disappointment  and  indignation.  But  though 
this  is  matter  of  speculation,  and  may  be  correct 
or  not,  one  thing  at  least  is  certain,  that  democracy 
has  not  worked  as  Jefferson  expected  it  to  work, 
and  that  the  two  generations  or  more,  which  have 
passed  away  since  his  day,  have  brought  forth  re- 
sults which  would  have  astonished  and  shocked 
him,  if  presented  as  the  outgrowth  of  his  teachings. 

It  was  the  custom  of  that  period  for  men  hold- 
ing high  official  positions  to  contribute  anonymous 
political  communications  to  the  newspapers,  — a 
custom  which,  among  some  advantages,  possessed 
the  serious  disadvantage  that  out  of  it  arose  much 
suspicion,  ill-blood,  and  personal  resentment.  The 
misunderstanding  with  John  Adams,  already  re- 
ferred to,  had  its  origin  in  an  episode  of  this  kind, 
wherein  Jefferson  made  an  absurd,  though  natural, 
blunder.  Adams's  “ Discourses  of  Davila  ” appear 
to-day  as  stupid  reading  as  one  could  discover  iu  a 
large  library;  but,  in  the  times  of  which  we  are 
writing,  several  persons  read  them  through  ; and 
readers  of  democratic  proclivities  were  even  more 


118 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


incensed  than  bored  by  them.  The  doctrines 
therein  proclaimed  were  mercilessly  castigated  in 
Paine’s  “ Rights  of  Man,”  of  which  it  so  happened 
that  “ the  only  copy  ” in  the  United  States  was 
sent  to  Jefferson,  with  the  request  that,  after  read- 
ing it,  he  would  “ send  it  to  a Mr.  J.  B.  Smith,  who 
had  asked  it  for  his  brother  to  reprint  it.”  “ Be- 
ing an  utter  stranger  to  J.  B.  Smith,”  says  Jeffer- 
son, “ I wrote  a note  to  explain  to  him  why  I (a 
stranger  to  him)  sent  him  a pamphlet ; . . . and 
to  take  off  a little  of  the  dryness  of  the  note,  I 
wrote  that  I was  glad  to  find  it  was  to  be  reprinted ; 
that  something  would  at  length  be  publicly  said 
against  the  political  heresies  which  had  lately 
sprung  up  among  us,”  etc.  To  Jefferson’s  “ great 
astonishment,”  the  printer  “ prefixed  ” this  note  to 
the  volume.  At  once  the  Federalist  writers  settled 
like  a hive  of  hornets  upon  the  unfortunate  sponsor 
of  “ Tom  ” Paine,  and  a peculiarly  vigorous  sting 
was  sent  in  by  one  Publicola.  Jefferson  hastened 
to  write  two  letters  of  explanation  to  John  Adams, 
deprecating  any  quarrel,  and  speaking  with  espe- 
cial animosity  and  contempt  of  the  mischief -making 
Publicola.  Little  did  he  think  with  what  a freight 
he  had  laden  his  peaceful  missives,  for  Publicola 
was  none  other  than  John  Adams’s  son,  John  1 
Quincy  Adams,  whose  family  were  very  proud  of 
this  early  filial  exploit.  Such  were  some  of  the 
perils  of  this  darkling  habit  of  anonymous  news- 
paper writing.  Isaac  had  actually  been  made  a 
peace-offering  to  Abraham. 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


119 


But  difficulties  much  more  grave  than  such  com- 
ical errors  were  often  promoted  by  the  newspapers 
of  the  day.  Shortly  after  Jefferson  was  appointed 
secretary  of  state,  he  received  from  Madison  a let- 
ter commending  for  a clerkship  one  Philip  Fre- 
neau, a democratic  scribbler  of  verses  rather  better 
than  most  Americans  could  write  in  those  days. 
Jefferson  had  then  no  vacancy ; but  a little  later 
he  found  a “ clerkship  for  foreign  languages,” 
carrying  only  the  petty  salary  of  “ two  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars  a year,”  but  giving  “ so  little  to 
do  as  not  to  interefere  with  any  other  calling  ” 
which  the  clerk  might  choose  to  carry  on.  In  a 
very  kind  note  Jefferson  conferred  this  modest 
position  upon  Freneau,  and  in  so  doing  wrote  the 
first  stanza  in  a long  Iliad  of  troubles.  For  it  so 
happened  that  the  “ other  calling  ” which  the  ill- 
paid  translating  clerk  selected  for  eking  out  his 
subsistence  was  the  editorship  of  a newspaper ; 
and  it  further  so  happened  that  Mr.  Freneau  had 
a zealous  faith  in  the  chief  of  his  own  department, 
and  a correspondingly  intense  aversion  towards  the 
rival  secretary  of  the  treasury.  Hitherto  Fenno’s 
“ Gazette  ” had  represented  “ the  Treasury  ” with- 
out an  equal  opponent ; but  the  new  “ National 
Gazette  ” now  sustained  the  Department  of  State 
with  not  inferior  ardor,  with  an  appalling  courage 
m the  use  of  abusive  language,  and  with  terrible 
enterprise  in  preferring  outrageous  accusations. 
For  Freneau  had  not  only  extreme  convictions,  but 
a trenchant  pen.  Hamilton  and  his  friends  were 


120 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


soon  wincing  beneath  bis  attacks  ; but  they  pre- 
ferred to  pass  by  the  writer  as  a being  too  insignif- 
icant for  their  wrath,  and  to  denounce  his  alleged 
patron  and  protector,  the  secretary  of  state,  in  per- 
son. He  it  was,  they  said,  who  insidiously  fur- 
nished material  and  information  to  the  disaffected 
and  scurrilous  sheet  which  was  issued,  as  they  chose 
to  declare,  almost  actually  from  his  department. 
He  was  responsible  for  its  malicious  temper,  for  its 
reckless  aspersions  of  his  honorable  colleagues, 
and  even  of  the  President  himself.  Jefferson  an- 
grily repelled  these  assertions,  declaring  that  he 
had  nothing  whatsoever  to  do,  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, with  the  management  of  the  paper ; but  at 
the  same  time  he  had  the  courage  not  to  conceal 
that  he  thought  the  “ Gazette  ” to  be  in  the  main 
sound  in  its  doctrines,  and  doing  good  work.  He 
neither  dismissed  nor  rebuked  Freneau.  It  is  rea- 
sonable to  suppose  that  a rebuke  would  have  been 
effectual ; but  his  obligation  to  give  it  is  by  no 
means  clear.  His  asseveration  that  he  did  not 
interfere,  even  indirectly,  in  the  conduct  of  the 
sheet,  derives  credit  from  the  probability  that,  if 
he  had  interfered,  he  would  have  been  sufficiently 
wise  and  politic  to  discourage  the  personal  attacks 
upon  Washington,  which  he  must  have  seen  to  be 
blunders.  But  in  a broad  and  very  forcible  way 
the  paper  advocated  his  views ; and  in  return  he 
generally  spoke  well  of  it,  and  was  interested  in  its 
success.  It  is  difficult  to  say  that  he  was  positively 
wrong  in  this.  Possibly  he  occasionally  “ inspired  ” 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


121 


it,  to  use  the  ingenious,  indefinite  slang  of  our  day  ; 
but  it  was  going  too  far  when  he  was  treated  as  a 
responsible  member  of  the  editorial  staff.  Whether 
it  was  becoming  in  him  to  retain  in  his  department 
a writer  whose  daily  business  was  to  defame  the 
policy  and  character  of  a colleague  in  the  cabinet, 
is  a part  of  the  general  question,  soon  to  be  dis- 
cussed, of  the  relationship  which  those  colleagues 
were  bound,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances  then 
existing,  to  maintain  towards  each  other  and  their 
chief. 

At  last,  in  August,  1792,  Hamilton  was  pro- 
voked into  coming  down  to  the  lists  and  himself 
taking  a hand  in  the  fray.  He  descended  like  a 
giant  among  the  pygmies,  and  startled  all  by  his 
sudden  apparition  in  the  guise  of  “ An  American.” 
Though  he  thus  wore  his  visor  down,  every  one  at 
once  knew  the  blows  of  that  terrible  hand.  In  his 
first  article  he  bitterly  assailed  Jefferson  for  re- 
taining his  office  and  at  the  same  time  continuing 
his  connection  with  Freneau.  Further,  he  charged 
Jefferson  with  disloyalty  to  the  Constitution  and 
the  administration.  Jefferson  was  absent  when 
this  powerful  diatribe  appeared ; but  Freneau 
printed  an  affidavit,  saying  that  he  had  had  no 
negotiations  with  Jefferson  concerning  the  estab- 
lishment of  his  paper,  and  that  Jefferson  had  never 
controlled  it  in  the  least,  or  written  or  dictated  a 
line  for  it.  Hamilton,  in  replication,  contemptu- 
ously declined  to  seek  any  other  antagonist  than 
Jefferson  himself.  His  arguments  were  powerful, 


122 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


and  a great  wratli  inspired  his  pen.  But  defenders 
of  the  secretary  of  state  were  not  lacking ; and 
Hamilton,  being  once  in  the  field,  had  perforce  to 
lay  about  him  among  a throng  of  small  assailants, 
for  whose  destruction  he  cared  little,  while  Jeffer- 
son himself,  with  exasperating  caution,  declined  to 
be  drawn  into  the  furious  arena. 

Washington  beheld  this  sudden  melee  with 
extreme  annoyance,  and  made  a noble,  pathetic, 
hopeless  effort  to  close  a chasm  which  the  forces  of 
nature  herself  had  opened.  He  wrote  to  each  sec- 
retary a short  letter  of  personal  appeal,  breathing 
a beautiful  spirit  of  concord  and  patriotism.  From 
each  he  received  a noteworthy  and  characteristic 
response,  courteous  and  considerate  towards  him- 
self, but  showing  plainly  the  impossibility  of  har- 
mony between  two  representatives  so  adverse  in 
intellectual  constitution.  Hamilton  briefly  justi- 
fied what  he  had  done,  and  said  that  he  must  now 
go  through  with  this  conflict,  but  that  he  would 
try  not  to  become  so  involved  again.  Jefferson 
sent  an  elaborate  argument,  defending  himself  and 
his  party,  and  arraigning  the  policy  and  the  char- 
acter of  the  Federalists.  The  letter  is  such  an 
ample  exposition  of  the  anti- Federalist  tenets,  such 
a forcible  apologia  of  the  writer,  that  it  ought  1 
not  to  be  mutilated  by  excerpts ; yet  it  is  much  too 
long  for  reproduction  here. 

J efferson  began  by  saying  that  when  he  “ em- 
barked in  the  government,  it  was  with  a determi- 
nation to  intermeddle  not  at  all  with  the  legislature, 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


123 


and  as  little  as  possible  with  my  co-departments.” 
For  the  most  part  he  had  scrupulously  observed 
this  wise  resolution,  though  he  bitterly  recalled  his 
share  in  the  assumption  measure.  Into  this  “ I 
was  duped  by  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and 
made  a tool  for  forwarding  his  schemes,  not  then 
sufficiently  understood  by  me  ; and  of  all  the  errors 
of  my  political  life  this  has  occasioned  me  the 
deepest  regret.”  He  acknowledged  that  he  had 
“ utterly,  in  his  private  conversations,  disapproved 
of  the  system  of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,” 
which  “ flowed  from  principles  adverse  to  liberty, 
and  was  calculated  to  undermine  and  demolish  the 
republic,  by  creating  an  influence  of  his  depart- 
ment over  the  members  of  the  legislature.”  He 
then  developed  fully  his  favorite  theory  of  a “ cor- 
rupt squadron  ” in  Congress,  whose  votes  could 
always  turn  the  scale,  who  were  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  and  were  by 
him  used  “ for  the  purpose  of  subverting,  step  by 
step,  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  which  he 
had  so  often  declared  to  be  a thing  of  nothing 
which  must  be  changed.”  He  complained  that  his 
own  abstinence  from  interference  with  the  Treasury 
Department  had  not  been  reciprocated  by  Hamil- 
ton, who  had  repeatedly  intermeddled  in  the  for- 
eign affairs,  and  always  in  the  way  of  friendship 
to  England  and  hostility  to  France,  a policy  “ ex- 
actly the  reverse”  of  that  of  Jefferson,  and,  as 
Jefferson  believed,  also  of  that  of  Washington. 
He  then  passed  to  the  attacks  made  by  Hamilton, 


124 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


as  “ An  American,”  in  Fenno’s  “ Gazette.”  For 
the  charge  of  disloyalty  to  the  Constitution,  he  de- 
nied that  he  had  been  more  an  oj>ponent  of  the 
Constitution  than  Hamilton  had  been,  and  showed 
that  his  objections  to  it  had  been  vindicated  by  the 
subsequent  adoption  of  amendments  almost  wholly 
coextensive  with  his  criticism  ; whereas  Hamilton 
had  been  dissatisfied  because  “ it  wanted  a king 
and  house  of  lords.”  Hamilton,  he  said,  wished 
the  national  debt  “ never  to  be  paid,  but  always  to 
be  a thing  wherewith  to  corrupt  and  manage  the 
legislature,”  whereas  he  himself  would  like  to  see 
it  “ paid  to-morrow.”  Still  harping  on  corruption, 
he  said : “ I have  never  inquired  what  number  of 
sons,  relatives,  and  friends  of  senators,  representa- 
tives, printers,  or  other  useful  partisans,  Colonel 
Hamilton  has  provided  for  among  the  hundred 
clerks  of  his  department,  the  thousand  excisemen 
at  his  nod,  and  spread  over  the  Union  ; nor  could 
ever  have  imagined  that  the  man  who  has  the 
shuffling  of  millions  backwards  and  forwards  from 
paper  into  money,  and  money  into  paper,  from 
Europe  to  America,  and  America  to  Europe ; the 
dealing  out  of  treasury  secrets  among  his  friends 
in  what  time  and  measure  he  pleases  ; and  who 
never  slips  an  occasion  of  making  friends  with  his 
means,  — that  such  an  one,  I say,  would  have 
brought  forward  a charge  against  me  for  having 
appointed  the  poet  Freneau  a translating  clerk  to 
my  office,  with  a salary  of  two  hundred  and  fifty 
dollars  a year.”  He  tells  the  story  of  the  starting 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


125 


of  Freneau’s  paper  in  a way  to  exculpate  himself  ; 
and,  concerning  its  subsequent  conduct,  says  : “ I 
: can  protest,  in  the  presence  of  Heaven,  that  I 
i never  did,  by  myself  or  any  other,  say  a syllable, 
; nor  attempt  any  kind  of  influence.  I can  further 
protest,  in  the  same  awful  Presence,  that  I never 
did,  by  myself  or  any  other,  directly  or  indirectly, 
write,  dictate,  or  procure  any  one  sentence  or  sen- 
timent to  he  inserted  in  his  or  any  other  gazette 
: to  which  my  name  was  not  affixed,  or  that  of  my 
office.”  He  concluded : “ When  I came  into  this 
office  it  was  with  a resolution  to  retire  from  it  as 
soon  as  I could  with  decency.  It  pretty  early  ap- 
peared to  me  that  the  proper  moment  would  be 
the  first  of  those  epochs  at  which  the  Constitution 
> seems  to  have  contemplated  a periodical  change  or 
renewal  of  the  public  servants.  ...  I look  to  that 
period  with  the  longing  of  a wave-worn  mariner 
who  has  at  length  the  land  in  view,  and  shall  count 
the  days  and  hours  which  still  lie  between  me  and 
it.”  But,  he  says,  though  he  has  a “ thorough  dis- 
regard for  the  honors  and  emoluments  of  office,” 
he  has  a great  value  “ for  the  esteem  of  his  coun- 
trymen ; and,  conscious  of  having  merited  it,”  he 
“ will  not  suffer  his  retirement  to  be  clouded  by 
the  slanders  of  a man  whose  history,  from  the 
moment  at  which  history  can  stoop  to  notice  him, 
is  a tissue  of  machinations  against  the  liberty  of 
the  country  which  has  not  only  received  and  given 
him  bread,  but  heaped  its  honors  on  his  head.” 
For  himself,  he  declares  his  helief,  with  obvious 


126 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


innuendo,  that  the  people  do  not  regard  him  as 
“ an  enemy  of  the  republic,  nor  an  intriguer 
against  it,  nor  a waster  of  its  revenue,  nor  prosti- 
tutor  of  it  to  the  purposes  of  corruption.” 

The  letter  is  a characteristic  and  very  remarkable 
document;  it  deserves  to  have  become  as  famous 
as  a great  speech,  so  plausible  was  it  in  defensive 
argument,  so  imposing  in  denunciation,  so  bitter  in 
personal  invective,  so  skillful  and  yet  earnest  in  its 
interweaving  of  truth  with  gross  misrepresenta- 
tions, so  spirited  at  once  and  pathetic  in  its  protes- 
tations of  rectitude.  It  contained  some  falsehoods, 
yet  it  was  honestly  written.  It  did  not  induce 
Washington  to  abjure  Hamilton;  but  it  proved  to 
him  that  each  side  was  too  much  in  the  right  to 
yield,  and  that  each  had  such  an  honest  confidence 
in  the  wickedness  of  the  other  that  reconciliation 
was  hopeless  ; matters  had  gone  far  beyond  that 
stage  when  Jefferson  had  the  audacity  to  talk  of 
the  moment  when  history  could  first  stoop  to  no- 
tice his  distinguished  rival,  and  could  actually  twit 
Hamilton  with  having  had  bread  “ given  ” to  him 
by  the  country ! 

Federalist  historians  have  always  lost  their  tem- 
pers over  this  most  aggravating  epistle,  and  are 
accustomed  to  compare  the  replies  of  the  two  secre- 
taries vastly  to  Jefferson’s  discredit.  Hamilton, 
they  say,  did  not  malign  his  opponent  in  private 
correspondence  with  their  common  chief.  But  the 
fact  that  Hamilton  did  not  see  fit  to  write  an  elab- 
orate, argumentative,  offensive  and  defensive  let- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


127 


ter  does  not  establish  the  fact  that  Jefferson  ought 
not  to  have  done  so.  Neither,  when  writing,  knew 
what  course  the  other  would  pursue  in  this  respect, 
so  that  no  unfair  advantage  was  taken.  It  may  be 
well  suspected  that  the  real  cause  of  the  Federalist 
vexation  is,  that  Hamilton  left  no  corrective  anti- 
dote to  Jefferson’s  powerful  document.  In  the 
long  struggle  between  Hamilton  and  Jefferson,  the 
Hamiltonians  always  intimated  that  Jefferson  was 
a darkling  underhand  antagonist,  who  would  cov- 
ertly traduce  and  vilify,  and  employ  underlings  to 
take  the  responsibilities  and  encounter  the  perils 
which  he  himself  should  have  assumed.  Thus  they 
depict  him  as  a coutemptible  and  cowardly  charac- 
ter; but,  as  it  seems,  with  a great  exaggeration 
of  the  truth,  if  not  altogether  without  any  truth. 
Hamilton  was  by  his  nature  a fighter,  ardent,  defi- 
ant, self-confident,  always  ready  to  change  blows 
with  one  or  with  a host,  half  winning  victory  by 
his  sanguine  anticipation  of  it.  Jefferson  on  the 
other  hand  was  as  non-combatant  as  a Quaker, 
seldom  and  reluctantly  entering  a debate  either  in 
words  or  in  print.  But  his  detractors  were  of  opin- 
ion that  if  he  would  not  make  a political  speech, 
he  ought  not  to  talk  politics  with  his  friends  after 
dinner  ; if  he  would  not  write  political  articles  for 
the  newspapers,  he  ought  never  to  put  an  expres- 
sion of  political  opinion  into  his  correspondence. 
They  laid  down  for  him  an  absurd  rule  which  was 
followed  by  no  man  in  those  days,  or  indeed  in  any 
days.  It  does  not  appear  that  Jefferson  ever  con* 


128 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


cealed  his  sentiments,  or  that  he  often  conciliated 
any  man  in  public  and  defamed  him  in  private  ; 
observing  these  principles,  he  had  a perfect  right 
to  declare  his  beliefs  about  public  men  and  mea- 
sures, in  conversation  or  in  letter-writing,  to  any 
person  whomsoever. 

So  long  as  the  department  of  national  finances, 
the  liquidation  of  the  national  debt  and  provision 
for  its  payment,  the  establishment  of  the  bank  and 
of  the  mint,  the  arrangement  of  the  tariff,  and  the 
organization  of  taxes  constituted  the  chief  business 
of  the  government,  it  was  impossible  for  Jefferson 
to  encounter  Hamilton  with  any  hope  of  success. 
For  even  if  Hamilton’s  financiering  had  been  as 
unsound  as  in  fact  it  was  sound,  Jefferson  was  too 
much  of  a novice  in  such  matters  to  be  able  to 
expose  any  errors.  In  other  matters,  also,  Ham- 
ilton enjoyed  great  influence  and  prestige  induced 
by  his  admirable  management  of  his  preeminently 
important  department.  It  was  not  without  rea- 
son that  Jefferson  complained  that  his  colleague 
encroached  on  his  functions.  Hamilton  had  the 
mind  of  a ruler,  and  could  not  help  placing  him- 
self substantially  at  the  head  of  the  nation,  with 
a policy  on  every  subject  and  an  unconquerable 
habit  of  making  that  policy  felt.  It  was  not  sur- 
prising that  Jefferson  became  irritated  and  discour- 
aged ; for  it  was  evident  that  he  had  no  reasonable 
hope  of  holding  his  own  unless  the  struggle  could 
be  transferred  to  some  new  field  better  suited  to 
his  abilities.  Fortunately  for  him,  precisely  this 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


129 


movement  was  already  going  rapidly  forward.  Just 
about  the  time  when  the  opponents  of  the  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  had  become  consolidated  and 
trained  by  the  severe  lessons  of  repeated  disasters,, 
and  when  Jefferson’s  position  as  their  leader  had 
become  universally  admitted,  questions  of  domestic 
policy  began  to  be  superseded  by  the  foreign  rela- 
tions of  the  United  States.  The  new  problems 
soon  took  such  shape  that  Jefferson  and  his  follow- 
ers regained  courage.  They  had  become  an  organ- 
ized party  and  had  assumed  a good  party  name  ; 
known  at  first  only  in  a negative  way  as  anti- 
Federalists,  they  had  seized  upon  the  monarchical 
heresy  as  affording  them  a better  designation,  and 
now  signified  their  loyalty  to  the  Constitution  by 
calling  themselves  Republicans.  Their  doctrine, 
however,  was  properly  democratic;  and  very  soon 
a portion  of  their  party  described  itself  as  the 
Democratic-Republicans,  and  then  of  this  double 
phrase  the  less  appropriate  half  was  lopped  off  and 
the  name  of  “ Democrats  ” has  ever  since  been  per- 
manently retained. 


CHAPTER  X 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE. FOREIGN,  AFFAIRS 

It  was  the  wild  gales  of  the  French  Revolution, 
whirling  with  hardly  diminished  fury  across  the 
Atlantic,  which  at  last  filled  the  swelling  sails  of 
the  Democrats.  The  story  of  the  political  excite- 
ment caused  in  the  United  States  by  that  momen- 
tous upheaval  is  a tale  so  much  more  than  twice 
told,  that  in  this  small  volume  it  may  properly  be 
treated  with  a brevity  disproportioned  to  its  great 
importance.  In  its  earlier  stages  the  movement 
was  watched  with  intense  and  unanimous  approba- 
tion by  all  persons'  in  this  country.  But  as  events 
went  on  this  harmony  vanished  ; men  of  conserva- 
tive temper  and  orderly  instincts  began  to  look 
distrustfully  upon  anarchy,  bloodshed,  and  that 
miscalled  equalization  which  was  really  a turning 
upside  down.  Hamilton  and  the  Federalists  in- 
clined to  repudiate  a sister  republic  of  such  doubt- 
ful aspect,  and  to  consider  French  republicanism 
not  much  more  akin  to  American  republicanism 
than  the  faithless  wife  in  a French  novel  is  like 
the  puritan  matron  of  New  England.  Jefferson, 
on  the  other  hand,  remained  steadfast  in  his  adhe- 
sion to  the  cause  of  the  people,  even  the  worst  and 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


131 


lowest  people,  in  a land  which  he  loved  scarcely 
less  ardently  than  his  own.  In  his  letters  from 
France  he  had  vigorously'  expressed  his  hearty  ab- 
hon-ence  of  the  universal  and  hideous  wretchedness 
begotten  of  the  monarchical  system.  It  was  now 
impossible  for  him  to  be  appalled  by  the  most  de- 
structive storms  which  promised  to  clear  the  guilt- 
laden atmosphere.  With  him  felt  the  great  mass 
of  the  American  people,  who  maintained  a constant 
good-will  towards  the  revolutionists,  even  through 
the  massacres  of  September,  and  applauded  in 
turn  Lafayette  and  Danton,  the  Girondins  who 
overthrew  the  old  monarchy,  and  the  J acobins  who 
overthrew  the  Girondins. 

This  extravagant  ardor  was  early  raised  to  the 
frenzy  point  by  the  French  declaration  of  war 
against  England,  which  country  was  still  pro- 
foundly hated  by  nine  tenths  of  the  inhabitants  of 
the  United  States.  With  mingled  alarm  and  dis- 
gust Hamilton  and  his  party  saw  this  mighty  wave 
of  passion  sweeping  across  the  land,  nor  were  they 
reassured  at  beholding  prominent  on  the  top  of 
this  resistless  surge  the  secretary  of  state,  sustained 
in  triumph  by  the  vast  force  of  popular  numbers. 
Jefferson,  on  the  other  hand,  was  naturally  well 
content ; he  always  understood  the  dynamics  of 
politics,  and  now  while  Hamilton  marshaled  the 
intelligence  and  wealth  of  the  country  into  an  army 
of  political  followers,  unequaled  in  the  quality  of 
its  material  by  any  party  which  has  ever  existed  in 
the  country,  Jefferson  gazed  with  instinctive  con- 


132  THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

fidence  over  the  sea  of  ignorant  bnt  countless  faces 
upturned  towards  himself.  He  knew  that  with 
dull  numbers  at  his  hack  he  could  in  time  out- 
match the  educated  but  too  thin  ranks  of  federal- 
ism. He  was  quite  right.  In  a much  blinder  way, 
because  he  was  intellectually  immeasurably  below 
Jefferson,  but  with  the  same  sure  instinct,  Andrew 
Jackson  afterward  repeated  the  triumphs  of  Jeffer- 
son by  the  aid  of  the  same  classes  of  the  commu- 
nity. So  now  at  last,  after  having  faithfully  en- 
dured through  the  disconsolate  period  of  domestic 
politics,  the  Republican  leader  seemed  in  a fair 
way  to  gain  the  upper  hand  when  foreign  politics 
usurped  the  attention  of  every  one.  Had  it  only 
been  a measured  Gallic  craze  instead  of  absolute 
madness  that  ruled  the  hour,  he  might  not  have 
been  obliged  even  to  abide  the  interval  of  John 
Adams’s  incumbency,  but  might  have  been  the 
second  president  of  the  United  States. 

On  April  4,  1793,  news  arrived  in  the  United 
States  that  France  had  proclaimed  war  against 
England.  Five  days  later  Genet,  the  new  French 
minister,  landed  at  Charleston.  An  anxious  and 
stormy  period  was  opened  for  the  administration 
by  these  two  events.  The  duty,  which  was  also 
the  honest  wish,  of  the  government  to  maintain  a 
strict  neutrality  was  of  unusual  difficulty  for  many 
reasons.  (1.)  There  were  entangling  treaty  obli-  . 
gations  towards  France,  which  bound  the  United 
States  to  guarantee  her  in  the  maintenance  of  her 
West  Indian  islands  in  any  defensive  war;  and 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


133 


nice  questions  were : whether  the  war  declared  by 
France  should  be  considered,  as  she  claimed,  defen- 
sive; also,  whether  treaties  entered  into  with  the 
royal  government  were  binding  towards  its  suc- 
cessor. (2.)  Both  combatants  soon  manifested  a 
resolution  to  have  no  neutrals ; and  each,  com- 
mitting outrageous  infractions  of  neutral  rights, 
treated  any  nation  not  taking  part  with  it  as  being 
against  it.  (3.)  Genet  cherished  and  carried  out, 
in  the  most  unscrupulous  and  energetic  way,  the 
deliberate  purpose  of  embroiling  the  United  States 
with  Great  Britain.  (4.)  Very  few  persons  in  the 
United  States  really  had  the  neutral  temper ; Ham- 
ilton led  an  English  party,  Jefferson  led  a French 
party,  and  the  passions  which,  in  those  strange 
times,  set  all  Europe  aflamei,  blazed  with  equal  fury 
in  the  United  States. 

A cabinet  meeting  decided,  as  was  inevitable, 
that  a proclamation  substantially  of  neutrality 
should  be  issued  by  the  President.  Jefferson  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  about  that  the  word  “ neutral- 
ity ” should  not  appear  in  it,  so  that  the  document 
might  not  be  avowedly,  and  in  terms,  what  it  was 
in  fact.  He  thought  it  better  to  hold  back  the 
formal  annunciation  of  neutrality,  as  a “ thing 
worth  something  to  the  powers  at  war,  that  they 
would  bid  for  it,  and  we  might  reasonably  ask  a 
price,  the  broadest  privileges  of  neutral  nations.” 
His  policy,  possibly  open  to  some  criticism  in  point 
of  principle,  was  imperfectly  adopted ; and  the 
paper,  as  it  was  finally  issued,  did  not  half  please 


134 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


him.  To  his  chagrin,  he  had  not  been  permitted  to 
draft  it,  though  it  fell  naturally  within  his  depart- 
ment, the  more  neutral  temper  of  Attorney-General 
Randolph  being  deemed  better  fitted  for  the  task. 
In  cabinet  divisions  Knox  always  gave  his  vote  to 
Hamilton  ; Randolph  so  often  gave  his  to  Jeffer- 
son as  to  provoke  that  secretai’y  extremely  by  his 
unwillingness  always  to  do  so.  He  seemed  so  near 
to  the  character  of  a thorough-going  partisan,  that 
he  was  more  hated  for  not  being  entirely  so  than 
thanked  for  the  partial  allegiance  which  he  actu- 
ally rendered.  J efferson  said  : “ He  always  con- 
trives to  agree  in  principle  with  me,  but  in  conclu- 
sion with  the  other ; ” and  again : “ The  fact  is, 
that  he  has  generally  given  his  principles  to  the 
one  party,  and  his  practice  to  the  other,  the  oyster 
to  one,  the  shell  to  the  other.  Unfortunately  the 
shell  was  generally  the  lot  of  his  friends,  the 
French  and  Republicans,  and  the  oyster  of  their 
antagonists.”  Hamilton  thought  much  worse  than 
this  of  Randolph.  But  the  truth  is  that  the  at- 
torney-general was  a clear-headed,  dispassionate 
adviser,  of  an  excellent  shrewdness  in  matters  of 
international  law,  and,  as  in  the  present  instance, 
much  more  often  right  than  either  of  the  extrem- 
ists between  whom  he  stood.  The  dissatisfied  sec- 
retary of  state,  however,  wrote  in  disgust  to  Madi- 
son : “ I dare  say  you  will  have  judged  from  the 
pusillanimity  of  the  proclamation  from  whose  pen 
it  came.  A fear  lest  any  affection  should  be  dis- 
covered is  distinguishable  enough.  This  base  fear 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


135 


will  produce  the  very  evil  they  wish  to  avoid.  For 
our  constituents,  seeing  that  the  government  does 
not  express  their  mind,  perhaps  rather  leans  the 
other  way,  are  coming  forward  to  express  it  them- 
selves.” 

This  prophecy  was  true  enough.  Before  Genet 
left  Charleston  he  had  dispatched  privateers  and 
issued  commissions  to  officers ; and  the  very  vessel 
in  which  he  arrived  was  taking  prizes  in  American 
waters  before  he  had  been  presented  to  the  Presi- 
dent. Yet,  in  spite  of  these  strange  doings,  his 
slow  progress  northward  was  made  through  exult- 
ing and  triumphant  crowds,  who  set  no  bounds  to 
their  French  ecstasies.  He  was  received  at  a civic 
banquet  in  Philadelphia  at  which  the  guests  sang 
the  Marseillaise,  passed  aroilnd  the  red  liberty  cap, 
and  hailed  each  other  as  “ citizen.”  Jefferson, 
though  wisely  refraining  from  attendance  at  these 
ceremonies,  watched  them  with  perfect  sympathy, 
and  with  sanguine  and  swelling  indignation  against 
Hamilton  and  the  British  party.  Henceforth  to 
the  abusive  epithets  of  “ monarchists  ” and  “ mon- 
ocrats  ” he  added  those  of  “ Anglomaniacs  ” and 
“ Anglomen,”  as  conveying  at  least  an  equal  mea- 
sure of  reproach.  He  described  to  Monroe  with 
pleasure,  and  without  a woixl  of  reprobation,  the 
boisterous  thrones  which  hailed  the  French  Am- 
buscade,  when  she  brought  in  as  a prize  The 
Grange,  captured  in  flagrant  defiance  of  interna- 
tional law  actually  iftside  the  capes  of  Delaware. 
“ I wish  we  may  be  able,”  he  said,  “ to  repress  the 


136 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


spirit  of  the  people  within  the  limits  of  a fair 
neutrality.  In  the  mean  time  Hamilton  is  panic- 
struck  if  we  refuse  our  breech  to  every  kick  which 
England  may  choose  to  give  it.  He  is  for  pro- 
claiming at  once  the  most  abject  principles,  such 
as  would  invite  and  merit  habitual  insults  ; and, 
indeed,  every  inch  of  ground  must  be  fought  in 
our  councils  to  desperation,  in  order  to  hold  up 
even  a sneaking  neutrality ; for  our  votes  are  gen- 
erally two  and  a half  against  one  and  a half,”  — 
another  slap  at  Randolph’s  even-mindedness.  He 
adds  with  evident  satisfaction  that  immense  bank- 
ruptcies have  taken  place  in  England,  “ the  last 
advices  made  them  amount  to  eleven  millions  ster- 
ling and  still  going  on.”  By  like  remarks  the  an- 
tipathy which  he  entertained  for  the  enemies  of 
France  is  constantly  made  to  appear.  December 
15,  1792,  he  writes  triumphantly  : “We  have  just 
received  the  glorious  news  of  the  Prussian  army 
being  obliged  to  retreat,  and  hope  it  will  be  fol- 
lowed by  some  proper  catastrophe  on  them.  This 
news  has  given  wry  faces  to  our  monocrats  here, 
but  sincere  joy  to  the  great  body  of  our  citizens. 
It  arrived  only  in  the  afternoon  of  yesterday,  and 
the  bells  were  rung,  and  some  illuminations  took 
place  in  the  evening.”  June  28,  1793,  he  cheer- 
fully anticipates  that  the  English  bankruptcies 
will  “ proceed  to  the  length  of  an  universal  crash 
of  their  paper.”  England,  he  says,  “ is  emitting 
assignats  also,  that  is  to  say,  exchequer  bills  . . . 
not  founded  on  land  as  the  French  assignats  are, 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


137 


but  on  pins,  thread,  buckles,  hops,  and  whatever 
else  you  will  pawn  in  the  exchequer  of  double  the 
estimated  value.  But  we  all  know  that  five  mil- 
lions of  such  stuff,  forced  for  sale  on  the  market 
of  London  where  tliei’e  will  be  neither  cash  nor 
credit,  will  not  pay  storage.  This  paper  must  rest 
then  ultimately  on  the  credit  of  the  nation,  as  the 
rest  of  their  public  paper  does,  and  will  sink  with 
that.” 

On  the  other  hand,  no  acts  of  the  French 
shocked  Jefferson's  sensibilities  or  weakened  his 
faith.  December  19,  1792,  he  notes  with  satis- 
faction that  his  party  are  “ taking  to  themselves 
the  name  of  Jacobins,  which,  two  months  ago,  was 
fixed  upon  them  by  way  of  stigma.”  A few  days 
later  he  writes,  concerning  the  massacres  com- 
mitted by  that  infamous  French  Club,  that  the 
“ struggle  ” was  “ necessary,”  though  in  it  “ many 
guilty  persons  fell  without  the  forms  of  trial, 
and  with  them  some  innocent.  These  I deplore 
as  much  as  anybody,  and  shall  deplore  some  of 
them  to  the  day  of  my  death.  But  I deplore 
them  as  I should  have  done  had  they  fallen  in 
battle.  It  was  necessary  to  use  the  arm  of  the 
people,  — a machine  not  quite  so  blind  as  balls 
and  bombs,  but  blind  to  a certain  degree.  . . . 
My  own  affections  have  been  deeply  wounded  by 
some  of  the  martyrs  to  this  cause ; but  rather  than 
it  should  have  failed,  I would  have  seen  half  the 
earth  desolated ; were  there  but  an  Adam  and 
Eve  left  in  every  country,  and  left  free,  it  would 


138 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


be  better  tban  as  it  now  is  ; ” with  much  more  of 
like  tenor. 

Yet,  amid  all  this  gratification,  he  was  obliged, 
with  unwilling  hand,  to  write  to  the  French  minis- 
ter that  The  Grange  had  been  unlawfully  captured 
and  must  be  returned ; also  he  had  to  check  many 
other  enterprises  of  that  enthusiast,  and  to  demand  j 
much  reparation.  Still  to  his  credit  it  must  be 
said,  that,  however  distasteful  these  duties  were, 
he  performed  them  all  fairly  enough.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  true  that  he  could  not  bring  himself  to 
express  any  positive  indignation  at  one  of  the  most 
lawless  and  insulting  acts  ever  committed  towards 
a neutral  nation  ; and  in  the  many  letters  which 
he  was  obliged  to  write  to  Genet  concerning  the  i 
equipment,  dispatch,  and  subsequent  conduct  of 
the  Franco  - American  privateers,  he  invariably 
used  language  as  colorless  as  if  he  had  been  indit- 
ing a treatise  on  international  law. 

When  Genet  presented  his  letters  of  credence,  I 
Jefferson  wrote  to  Madison  : “ It  is  impossible  for 
anything  to  be  more  affectionate,  more  magnani- 
mous, than  the  purport  of  his  mission.  . . . He 
offers  everything  and  asks  nothing.”  But  the 
laggard  Virginian  post  could  hardly  have  brought 
this  letter  to  Madison’s  hands  before  even  its 
writer  would  have  had  to  reverse  the  last-quoted 
sentence.  For,  in  truth,  Genet  very  promptly 
made  it  apparent  that  he  came  to  offer  nothing 
and  to  grasp  everything ; and  that  his  mission, 
instead  of  being  one  of  unalloyed  affection  and 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


139 


magnanimity,  was  really  to  bring  all  the  resources 
of  the  American  people  to  the  aid  of  France,  and 
to  transmute  the  neutral  ports  of  the  United  States 
into  bases  of  naval  operations  against  England. 
He  had  a trunk  full  not  only  of  blank  letters  of 
marque  for  privateers  to  be  unlawfully  equipped 
in  our  ports,  but  even  blank  commissions,  naval 
and  military,  for  American  citizens  who  should  re- 
cruit men  to  take  part  in  the  war.  Nay,  he  even 
dared  to  set  up  French  admiralty  tribunals  in  this 
country,  actually  conferring  on  the  French  consuls 
the  power  to  try  and  condemn  such  prizes  as  the 
French  privateers  should  capture  and  bring  in. 
Jefferson  was  obliged  to  inform  him  that  these 
doings  were  all  wrong  and  utterly  intolerable.  It 
was  a disagreeable  duty,  but  If  the  secretary  wrote 
his  letters  dispassionately,  he  at  least  wrote  them 
plainly  and  manfully,  and  contented  himself  with 
advancing  on  the  French  side  in  the  cabinet  such 
arguments  upon  other  issues  as  opportunity  made 
possible  from  time  to  time.  For  example,  a most 
urgent  request  was  preferred  by  the  needy  revo- 
lutionary government  of  France  that  the  United 
States  would  pay,  in  anticipation  of  maturity,  the 
indebtedness  incurred  to  France  during  the  late 
war  for  American  independence.  In  October, 
1792,  Jefferson  wrote  to  Gouverneur  Morris,  then 
minister  to  France,  that  payment  must  be  tempo- 
rarily suspended,  “ since  there  is  no  person  author- 
ized to  receive  it  and  give  us  an  unobjectionable 
acquittal.”  But  on  June  6,  1793,  the  republic 


140 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


being  then  established,  he  advised  Washington: 
“ I think  it  very  material  myself  to  keep  alive  the 
friendly  sentiments  of  that  country  as  far  as  can 
be  done,  without  risking  war  or  double  payment. 
If  the  installments  falling  due  this  year  can  be  ad- 
vanced, without  incurring  those  dangers,  I should 
be  for  doing  it.” 

For  a brief  period  now  Jefferson  felt  sanguine. 
He  declared  cheerfully  that  his  sentiments  were 
“ really  those  of  ninety-nine  in  a hundred  of  our 
citizens  ; ” that  the  prospects  of  the  Anglican  party 
“have  certainly  not  brightened;”  that,  except  for 
that  “ little  party,”  which  has  sought  a “ stepping- 
stone  to  monarchy,”  “ this  country  is  entirely  re- 
publican, friends  to  the  Constitution,”  etc.  Yet 
even  amid  these  few  weeks  of  triumph  and  hope 
the  indomitable  temper  of  the  hard-fighting  secre- 
tary of  the  treasury  harassed  Jefferson  with  daily 
vexations.  May  13,  1793,  he  complains  bitterly 
that  Hamilton  is  encroaching  on  his  department, 
actually  proposing  to  instruct  the  collectors  of  cus- 
toms to  watch  for  infractions  of  neutrality  by 
French  vessels,  and  to  report  them  secretly  to  him 
(Hamilton).  To  deliver  the  country  from  a “ mere 
English  neutrality,”  he  is  obliged  to  rely  on  the  fact 
“ that  the  penchant  of  the  President  is  not  that 
way,  and,  above  all,  the  ardent  spirit  of  our  con- 
stituents.” 

But  the  largest  cloud  which  darkened  the  pro- 
spect was  blown  from  a quarter  to  which  Jefferson 
had  been  looking  only  for  floods  of  glorious  sun- 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


141 


light.  From  the  hour  when  Genet  first  set  foot 
in  the  country,  that  restless  emissary  of  discord 
allowed  scarcely  a day  to  glide  by  without  a fresh 
indiscretion  or  a new  breach  of  law.  The  ener- 
getic friendliness  of  the  secretary  of  state  rapidly 
changed  to  anxiety,  and  soon  anxiety  became  anger. 
His  letters  to  Genet,  at  first  so  significantly  dis- 
< passionate,  came  soon  to  express  genuine  indigna- 
tion and  rebuke.  For  Jefferson  could  not  quite 
bring  his  pacific  nature  to  the  point  of  wishing 
i to  find  his  country  committed  to  actual  war,  and 
he  appreciated  with  regret  that  Genet  was  aiming 
at  that  end.  Further,  with  his  unerring  political 
sagacity,  Jefferson  saw  plainly  that  Genet  was  so 
recklessly  contemning  the  laws  and  independence 
of  this  country,  that  an  Anglican  reaction  must 
inevitably  soon  set  in.  He  wrote  to  Monroe  that 
: Genet’s  “ conduct  is  indefensible  by  the  most  furi- 
ous Jacobin.”  When  at  last  the  blind  arrogance 
i of  the  excited  Frenchman  led  him  to  insult  Wash- 
ington  with  the  threat  that  he  himself,  foreigner 
as  he  was,  and  bound  by  diplomatic  courtesies, 

S would  publicly  appeal  from  the  President  to  the 
people,  actually  saying  that  he  would  only  respect 
the  political  opinions  of  the  President  till  the 
representatives  should  have  confirmed  or  rejected 
them,  Jefferson’s  wrath  at  this  fatal  blundering 
could  no  longer  be  restrained.  He  denounced  with 
asperity  the  unfortunate  fanatic  whose  boundless 
folly  was  turning  back  the  republican  party  in 
its  rapid  march  towards  triumph.  He  admitted 


142 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON" 


that  Genet’s  recall  must  be  demanded,  and  indeed 
heartily, longed  to  see  him  depart;  he  only  begged 
that  the  dismissal  might  not  be  personally  insulting 
in  form.  He  wrote  a letter  to  Morris,  at  Paris, 
reviewing  Genet’s  behavior,  from  the  landing  at 
Charleston,  in  language  that  ought  to  have  been 
gratifying  even  to  the  “ Anglomen.”  “ If  our  citi- 
zens,” he  concluded,  “ have  not  already  been  shed- 
ding each  other’s  blood,  it  is  not  owing  to  the 
moderation  of  Mr.  Genet.”  On  the  other  hand, 
it  should  be  said  that  Genet  afterward  spoke  very 
severely  of  Jefferson,  as  one  who  had  privately 
incited  and  encouraged  him,  and  afterward  publicly 
abandoned  him.  Probably  Jefferson’s  objections 
lay  not  so  much  to  the  political  morality  as  to 
the  ill-advised  lack  of  tact  which  distinguished 
the  envoy’s  doings.  Certainly  his  indignation  was 
strictly  limited  to  the  individual  offender,  and 
did  not  in  the  least  affect  his  French  sympathies. 
Writing  to  Madison,  SejDtember  1,  1793,  he  spoke  I 
of  “ the  friendly  nation  ” and  “ the  hostile  one,” 
meaning  respectively  France  and  England.  He 
was  even  less  neutral  than  ever  before. 

Throughout  the  harassing  alternations  of  hope, 
irritation,  and  disappointment  which  filled  up  this 
period  of  Genet’s  mission,  Jefferson’s  conduct  as  a 
statesman  was  upon  the  whole  sound  and  praise-  ' 
worthy.  He  was  bent  upon  going  as  far  in  aid  of 
France  as  was  possible  without  falling  into  war 
with  England ; but  that  danger  line  he  was  honestly 
resolved  not  to  cross.  In  the  cabinet  meetings, 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


143 


when  Hamilton  tossed  arguments  into  the  British 
scale,  he  tossed  counterbalancing  arguments  into 
the  French  scale.  The  result  was  a set  of  neutral- 
ity rides  which  have  served  as  precedents  for  the 
action  of  civilized  nations  ever  since,  and  of  which 
a large  proportion  were  asserted  and  justified  in 
his  official  letters.  But  his  consummate  political 
tact  is  more  interesting  to  the  student  of  his  char- 
acter. This  was  shown  most  prominently  by  the 
way  in  which  he  first  led  the  French  movement, 
and  then  managed  to  stand  aside  for  a brief  period, 
when  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  remain  in  front 
without  losing  his  prestige  and  compromising  his 
right  to  resume  his  leading  position  at  an  appro- 
priate moment.  Excited  as  his  frame  of  mind  was 
at  this  time,  still  he  was  too  shrewd  to  make  a 
blunder  in  the  political  game.  People  may  dispute 
whether  he  was  on  the  right  side  or  the  wrong,  but 
every  one  must  concede  his  extraordinary  personal 
astuteness.  He  saw  a considerable  section  of  his 
party  — the  leading  and  conspicuous  section  — jus- 
tifying nearly  all  Genet’s  lawless  and  foolish  acts, 
running  wild  in  democratic  clubs  and  fraterni- 
zations, wearing  liberty  caps,  and  aping  revolu- 
tionary slang.  To  eyes  less  sagacious  than  his, 
these  extremists  seemed  to  constitute  the  van  of 
the  party.  But  Jefferson  knew  more  correctly  the 
character  of  such  a body  and  the  destiny  of  its 
movement.  He  believed  that  they  were  not  leaders 
who  were  going  to  be  followed  and  in  time  over- 
taken by  the  nation ; and  he  surely  knew  that  they 


144 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


were  striking  a pace  with  which  the  people  could 
not  keep  up,  and  at  which  they  themselves  would 
inevitably  topple  over.  But  while  he  recognized 
these  facts,  he  did  not  proclaim  them ; nor  did  he 
make  a futile  effort  to  check  the  headlong  rush. 
He  had  no  notion  of  being  run  over  by  his  own 
troops,  or  of  making  himself  unpopular  by  display- 
ing an  untimely  sagacity.  Though  he  regretted 
to  see  a disaster  precipitated,  he  well  knew  that 
its  mischief  would  not  exceed  a temporary  delay. 
When  the  disaster  came,  his  precaution  prevented 
it  from  involving  him.  As  its  effect  passed  over, 
the  great  mass  of  his  party,  remembering  that  he 
had  not  lost  his  head,  trusted  him  more  implicitly 
than  ever  ; while  the  reckless  members  were  obliged 
to  respect  his  superior  shrewdness,  and  felt  grateful 
to  him  for  having  spared  them  public  rebukes.  He 
had  pursued  his  usual  and  moderate  course ; he 
had  shunned  the  easy  mistake  of  cherishing  dissen- 
sions in  his  party  and  dividing  it  into  wings ; he 
had  made  no  enemies ; and  especially  he  had  shown 
that  rare  power  of  accurately  appreciating  the  true, 
safe,  and  permanent  volume  of  a popular  movement 
which  distinguishes  him  above  all  the  statesmen  of 
his  generation. 

But  in  spite  of  the  strength  of  the  French  party 
among  the  people  at  large,  and  in  spite  of  his  own 
prudence,  Jefferson’s  official  position  in  the  cabinet 
remained  very  unpleasant.  A man  of  his  temper 
could  find  little  comfort  in  unceasing  antagonism 
with  such  a hard-hitting,  untiring  combatant  as 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 


145 


Hamilton.  His  occasional  victories,  far  too  few 
to  satisfy  him,  were  conquered  by  such  incessant 
and  desperate . conflict  as  was  most  wearing  and 
odious  to  him.  From  such  a life  he  longed  to  es- 
cape, and  few  men  have  sought  so  earnestly  to  get 
into  office  as  he  sought  to  get  out  of  it.  So  early 
as  March  18,  1792,  he  writes  to  Short  of  an  inten- 
tion, which  he  describes  as  having  been  already 
expressed,  to  retire  at  the  end  of  Washington’s  first 
term.  September  9, 1792,  in  the  famous  anti-Ham- 
ilton letter  to  Washington,  he  repeats  the  remark, 
saying  : “ I look  to  that  period  with  the  longing  of 
a wave-worn  mariner,  who  has  at  length  the  land 
in  view,  and  shall  count  the  days  and  hours  which 
still  lie  between  me  and  it.”  He  spoke  more  hon- 
estly than  officials  often  do  who  hold  such  language, 
and  it  was  with  real  reluctance  that  he  consented 
to  remain  beyond  this  established  bound.  He  was 
resolved,  however,  to  make  the  delay  as  short  as 
possible,  and  on  July  31,  1793,  he  wrote  to  Wash- 
ington that  “ the  close  of  the  present  quarter  seems 
to  be  a convenient  period.”  But  Washington’s 
importunity  almost  took  away  his  liberty  of  action, 
and  absolutely  compelled  him  to  stay  till  the  end 
of  the  year.  Then  at  last  he  escaped,  and  set  out 
for  Monticello  with  the  joy  of  one  freed  from 
prison. 

Of  course  nothing  which  Jefferson  could  do  at 
this  juncture  could  escape  censure.  He  was  even 
blamed  now  for  getting  out  of  office  as  he  had  long 
been  blamed  for  remaining  in  it.  The  same  people 


146 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


who  had  been  stigmatizing  him  as  the  chief  of  an 
opposition  within  the  administration,  obstinately 
retaining  governmental  office  for  the  exjxress  pur- 
pose of  thwarting  the  administration  policy,  now 
said  that  he  ought  not  to  have  resigned  until  Ham- 
ilton also  should  find  it  convenient  to  resign.  They 
declared  that  Washington  was  embarrassed  by  the 
necessity  for  rebuilding  his  cabinet  piecemeal ; that 
Hamilton  still  had  some  matters  in  his  department 
to  be  completed,  and  Jefferson  should  have  stayed 
till  these  were  finished;  that  then  the  two  x'ivals 
could  properly  go  out  together.  But  both  charges, 
that  of  improperly  remaining  in  office  and  that  of 
ungenerously  leaving  it,  were  alike  wholly  unjust. 
Washington,  while  fully  cognizant  of  the  condition 
of  affairs  in  his  cabinet,  had  exerted  all  the  pres- 
sure which  he  decently  could  to  retain  Jefferson  ; 
and  apart  from  this  consideration,  the  existence  of 
internal  dissensions  in  the  cabinet  could  not  put 
Jefferson  under  any  obligation  to  resign  which  did 
not  rest  equally  upon  Hamilton  ; for  it  was  a fair 
struggle  between  the  two.  Nor  was  it  better  than 
ridiculous  to  expect  Jefferson  to  withhold  his  own 
resignation  for  an  indefinite  period  out  of  complai- 
sance for  the  convenience  of  his  chief  personal  and 
political  enemy.  How  did  he  know  that  Hamilton 
would  resign  at  all?  He  was  not  in  Hamilton’s 
confidence,  and  did  not  trust  him,  nor  did  he  deem 
it  desirable  that  Hamilton  should  remain  in  office. 
It  was  absurd  to  expect  him  to  promote  such  re- 
maining. If  his  own  resignation  put  a pressure  on 


147 


SECRETARY  OF  STATE 

Hamilton  also  to  resign,  it  seemed  to  him  so  much 
the  better.  In  a word,  Jefferson’s  behavior  was 
thoroughly  proper,  and  the  two  charges  brought 
against  him  by  his  accusers  were  so  inconsistent 
with  each  other  as  to  be  interchangeably  destruc- 
tive. 


CHAPTER  XI 


IN  RETREAT 

At  home  on  his  plantations  Jefferson  was  su- 
premely hajrpy.  “ The  principles,”  he  said,  “ on 
which  I calculated  the  value  of  life  are  entirely  in 
favor  of  my  present  coui’se.  I return  to  farming 
with  an  ardor  which  I scarcely  knew  in  my  youth, 
and  which  has  got  the  better  entirely  of  my  love  of 
study.”  He  puts  off  answering  his  letters,  “ farmer- 
like, till  a rainy  day.”  He  does  not  “ take  a single 
newspaper,  nor  read  one  a month,”  and  he  finds 
himself  “ infinitely  the  happier  for  it.”  He  in- 
dulges himself  “ on  one  political  topic  only,  that  is, 
in  declaring  to  my  countrymen  the  shameless  cor- 
ruption of  a portion  of  the  representatives  to  the 
first  and  second  Congresses,  and  their  implicit  de- 
votion to  the  Treasury.” 

But  even  without  newspapers  the  farmer  man- 
aged to  keep  his  knowledge  and  his  interest  fresh 
in  all  matters  of  foreign  and  domestic  politics.  He 
saw  with  regret  his  “ countrymen  groaning  under 
the  insnlts  of  Great  Britain.”  He  hoped  that  the 
triumphs  of  the  French  armies  would  “kindle  the 
wrath  of  the  people  of  Europe  against  those  who 
have  dared  to  embroil  them  in  such  wickedness, 


IN  RETREAT 


149 


and  would  bring  at  length  kings,  nobles,  and 
priests  to  the  scaffolds  which  they  have  been  so 
long  deluging  with  human  blood.  I am  still  warm 
whenever  I think  of  these  scoundrels,  though  I do 
it  as  seldom  as  I can,  preferring  infinitely  to  con- 
template the  tranquil  growth  of  my  lucerne  and 
potatoes.”  He  hopes  that  “ some  means  will  turn 
up  of  reconciling  our  faith  and  honor  with  peace  ” 
with  England ; and  he  is  “ in  love  ” with  the  “ pro- 
position of  cutting  off  all  communication  with  the 
nation  which  has  conducted  itself  so  atrociously.” 
When  the  Non-Importation  Bill  was  lost  in  the 
Senate,  he  testily  wrote  that  the  senatorial  “ body 
was  intended  as  a check  on  the  will  of  the  repre- 
sentatives when  too  hasty.  They  are  not  only  that, 
but  completely  so  on  that  of  the  people  also ; and, 
in  my  opinion,  are  heaping  coals  of  fire,  not  only 
on  their  persons,  but  on  their  body  as  a branch  of 
the  legislature.” 

He  had  left  behind  him  a famous  report  on  com- 
merce which  was  bitterly  fought  over  in  Congress, 
Madison  and  Giles  backing  it  against  the  united 
force  of  the  Federalists  and  the  mercantile  interest. 
It  sought  to  encourage  trade  with  Fx-ance,  and  to 
curtail  the  established  business  l’elations  with  Eng- 
land. Jefferson’s  theory  was  that  business  should 
not  be  controlled  by  sentiment ; but  he  firmly  be- 
lieved that  the  true  commercial  interests  of  the 
country  could  be  better  aided  by  a French  than  by 
an  English  commerce.  His  arguments  were  very 
plausible,  but  did  not  suffice  'to  induce  our  mer- 


150 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


chants  to  undergo  the  labor  and  risk  of  deserting 
familiar  channels  in  search  of  new  ones.  The 
resolutions  based  on  the  report  only  served  as  the 
field  for  a long  and  obstinate  battle  between  the 
Gallic  and  the  Anglican  factions. 

Jefferson  was  greatly  vexed  at  the  “denuncia- 
tion ” of  those  democratic  societies  which  had  been 
recently  instituted  here  in  imitation  of  the  Jacobin 
Club,  and  declared  this  persecution  to  be  “ one  of 
the  extraordinary  acts  of  boldness  of  which  we 
have  seen  so  many  from  the  faction  of  monocrats.” 
When  Washington,  reluctantly  yielding  to  strong 
pressure,  included  in  his  message  an  unfavorable 
reference  to  these  organizations,  Jefferson  thought 
it  “ wonderful,  indeed,  that  the  President  should 
have  permitted  himself  to  be  the  organ  of  such  an 
attack  on  the  freedom  of  discussion,  the  freedom 
of  writing,  printing,  and  publishing.”  He  was 
watching  Washington’s  course  with  profound  anx- 
iety and  some  jealous  distrust.  For  he  thought 
that  the  President  was  losing  his  judicial  impar- 
tiality, and  changing  from  the  head  of  the  nation 
to  the  head  of  a party.  He  lamented  this  pro- 
spect, and  seriously  feared  that  the  time  might 
come  when  Washington’s  “ honesty  and  his  politi- 
cal errors  ” might  give  the  people  a second  occasion 
to  exclaim  “ curse  on  his  virtues ! they  have  un- 
done his  country.” 

The  “whiskey  insurrection”  in  Western  Penn- 
sylvania very  nearly  commanded  actual  sympathy 
from  Jefferson.  He  writes  to  Madison,  December 


IN  RETREAT 


151 


28,  1794,  that  he  is  unable  to  see  that  the  trans- 
actions ‘‘have  been  anything  more  than  riotous. 
There  was,  indeed,  a meeting  to  consult  about  a 
separation.  But  to  consult  on  a question  does  not 
amount  to  a determination  of  that  question  in  the 
affirmative,  still  less  to  the  acting  on  such  a deter- 
mination.” “ But,”  he  continues,  “ we  shall  see,  I 
suppose,  what  the  court  lawyers,  and  courtly  judges 
and  would-be  ambassadors  will  make  of  it.  The 
excise  law  is  an  infernal  one.  The  first  error  was 
to  admit  it  by  the  Constitution ; the  second,  to  act 
on  that  admission  ; the  third  and  last  will  be,  to 
make  it  the  instrument  of  dismembering  the  Union, 
and  setting  us  all  afloat  to  determine  what  part  of 
it  we  will  adhere  to”’ 

It  was  inevitable  that  Jay’s  treaty  should  seem 
to  Jefferson  absolutely  odious  ; and  in  the  storm 
which  it  launched  across  the  country,  and  which 
threatened  for  a time  to  bring  even  Washington’s 
administration  into  grave  jeopardy,  Jefferson  was 
among  the  most  irreconcilable  of  the  malcontents. 
At  first  a “ slight  notice  ” of  it  was  sufficient  “ to 
decide  [his]  mind  against  it.”  As  the  discussion 
grew  heated,  and  the  result  seemed  so  important 
and  so  doubtful  that  Hamilton,  thinly  disguising 
himself  as  “ Camillus,”  came  down  into  the  lists, 
Jefferson  became  greatly  agitated.  He  beheld  with 
dismay  the  “ only  middling  performances  ” of  the 
writers  on  his  side,  and  implored  Madison  to  take 
part.  “ Hamilton,”  he  said,  “ is  really  a colossus 
to  the  anti-republican  party ; without  numbers  he 


152 


THOMAS  JEFFEKSON 


is  an  host  within  himself.  They  have  got  them- 
selves into  a defile,  where  they  might  be  finished ; 
but  too  much  security  will  give  time  to  his  talents 
and  indefatigableness  to  extricate  them.  ...  In 
truth,  when  he  comes  forward,  there  is  nobody  but 
yourself  can  meet  him.  . . . For  God’s  sake  take 
up  your  pen,  and  give  a fundamental  reply  to  Cur- 
tius  and  Camillus.”  True  to  his  reluctance  to  be- 
come personally  involved  in  such  conflicts,  he  seems 
never  to  have  contemplated  the  possibility  of  taking 
his  own  pen  in  hand. 

The  “ execrable  thing,”  as  he  called  the  treaty, 
was  at  last  ratified,  under  the  influence  of  Wash- 
ington’s discovery  of  Randolph’s  perfidy.  But  an 
equally  fierce  and  much  more  dangerous  crisis  was 
created  by  the  effort  of  its  opponents  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  to  obtain  the  diplomatic  papers 
concerning  it,  and  to  obstruct  its  fulfillment  by  re- 
fusing the  necessary  legislation.  Here  again  Jef- 
ferson went  heartily  to  the  extreme  length  upon 
which  his  party  ventured.  He  was  led  to  say  some 
things  not  nicely  consistent  with  certain  of  his  re- 
cent official  utterances.  But  the  excitement  was 
so  great  and  the  political  opportunity  so  promising, 
that  no  party  leader  could  have  allowed  himself  to 
be  fettered  by  dispassionate  opinions  on  merely 
cognate  questions  of  principle  which  had  been  un- 
advisedly given  by  him  at  cabinet  consultations  in 
quieter  times.  Yet  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the 
Federalists  in  these  treaty  disputes  left  Jefferson 
cheerful  under  defeat.  “ It  has  been  to  them,”  he 


IN  RETREAT 


153 


said,  “ a dear-bought  victory  ; it  has  given  the  most 
radical  shock  to  their  party  which  it  has  ever  re- 
ceived.” It  leaves  them  so  “ that  nothing  can  sup- 
port them  but  the  colossus  of  the  President’s  merits 
with  the  people ; and  the  moment  he  retires,  his 
successor,  if  a monocrat,  will  be  overborne  by  the 
republican  sense  of  his  constituents ; if  a Repub- 
lican, he  wall  of  course  give  fair  play  to  that  sense, 
and  lead  things  into  the  channel  of  harmony  be- 
tween the  governors  and  governed.  In  the  mean 
time,  patience.” 

The  prospect  of  Republicanism  was  bi’ightening 
when  this  shrewd  judge  could  contemplate  the  pos- 
sibility of  Washington  being  succeeded  by  a pro- 
fessor of  that  faith.  Such,  indeed,  was  the  state 
of  feeling  in  the  nation  at  large,  and  so  much  were 
the  sympathy  with  France  and  the  aversion  toward 
England  stimulated  by  hatred  of  the  treaty,  that  a 
Republican  victory  would  have  been  less  wonderful 
than  many  things  which  happen  in  popular  poli- 
tics. The  Federal  party  had  been  forcing  many 
unpopular  measures,  and  making  many  enemies. 
It  was  visibly  losing  ground ; but  it  did  not  lose 
quite  fast  enough  to  give  the  Republicans  control 
of  the  next  election.  Jefferson  must  have  “pa- 
tience ” yet  a little  longer. 


CHAPTER  XH 


VICE-PRESIDENT 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  at  the  time  of 
the  third  presidental  election,  1,  the  electors  were 
still  permitted  to  exercise  some  individual  discre- 
tion and  independence ; 2,  the  votes  for  president 
and  vice-president  were  not  separately  cast,  but 
the  person  receiving  the  highest  number  of  votes 
was  president,  and  the  person  receiving  the  next 
highest  number  was  vice-president.  In  spite  of 
the  hopes  of  Jefferson  and  the  fears  of  Adams,  the 
Federalists  were  abundantly  able  to  control  the 
choice  of  both  officers.  But  the  lack  of  harmony 
in  their  councils  created  a danger  which  they  un- 
dervalued and  failed  properly  to  guard  against. 
Upon  the  whole,  Adams  deserved  to  win  in  the 
competition  which  existed  within  his  own  party ; 
and  after  some  discussion  it  became  generally  un- 
derstood that  he  should  be  regarded  as  the  Feder- 
alist candidate  for  the  first  place,  and  that  Thomas 
Pinckney  should  have  the  second  position.  But 
the  Federalist  party  was  preeminently  a party  of 
leaders,  and  could  easily  have  furnished  at  least  a 
dozen  men,  each  abundantly  fit  for  the  presidency. 
Among  so  many  Adams  was  not  so  palpably  and 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


155 


undeniably  first  that  all  bad  to  admit  bis  claim  ; 
on  the  contrary,  many  questioned  it  and  many  were 
personally  his  enemies.  In  this  condition  of  feel- 
ing, his  followers  became  naturally  but  unfortu- 
nately suspicious  that  one  or  more  of  the  Federalist 
votes  might  be  diverted  from  him  by  machinations 
of  Hamilton,  or  that  some  southern  Republican, 
more  attached  to  his  section  than  to  his  party, 
might  vote  for  Pinckney.  In  either  contingency 
Adams  might,  of  course,  have  been  only  vice-presi- 
dent. The  Republicans,  on  the  other  hand,  had 
no  such  difficulties ; Jefferson  was  their  unques- 
tioned leader  ; Madison  was  greatly  his  inferior  in 
the  science  of  practical  poEtlcsTand  Clinton,  Suit, 

Monroe,  and  Gallatin  were  all  second-rate  men. 

So  the  Republicans  went  into  the  colleges  thor- 
oughly united,  while  the  Federalists,  distrusting 
each  other,  sought  not  only  a party  but  a partisan 
success.  Some  of  the  Adams  men,  to  defend  him 
against  the  suspected  hostility  and  schemes  of 
Pinckney’s  friends,  threw  away  their  second  votes. 
The  result  was  that  Jefferson  came  in  ahead  of 
Pinckney,  and  was  even  within  four  votes  of  beat- 
ing Adams  himself.1  Thus  by  inexcusable  bad 
faith  and  bad  management  the  Federalists  lost  the 
second  place  and  gravely  imperiled  the  first.  Jef- 
ferson would  have  permitted  no  such  bungling  in  a 
party  led  by  him. 

December  17,  1796,  Jefferson  wrote  to  Madi- 

1 Adams  received  71  votes,  Jefferson  68,  Pinckney  59,  Burr  30; 
the  rest  -were  scattering. 


156 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


son:  “The  first  wish  of  my  heart  was,  that  you 
should  have  been  proposed  for  the  administration 
of  the  government.  On  your  declining  it,  I wish 
anybody  rather  than  myself  ; and  there  is  nothing 
I so  anxiously  hope,  as  that  my  name  may  come 
out  either  second  or  third.”  Ten  days  later  he 
wrote  to  Rutledge : “ My  name,  however,  was 

again  brought  forward  without  concert  or  expecta- 
tion on  my  part ; (on  my  salvation  I declare  it.) 

. . . I protest  before  my  God  that  I shall  from 
the  bottom  of  my  heart  rejoice  at  escaping.  ...  I 
have  no  ambition  to  govern  men  ; no  passion  which 
would  lead  me  to  delight  to  ride  in  a storm.  . . . 
My  attachment  is  to  my  home,”  etc.,  etc.  January 
1,  1797,  he  told  Madison  : “ No  motive  could  have 
induced  me  to  undertake  the  first  [office].  . . . 
The  second  is  the  only  office  in  the  world  about 
which  I cannot  decide  in  my  own  mind,  whether 
I had  rather  have  it  or  not  have  it.”  Undoubt- 
edly in  these  passages  the  “ lady  doth  protest  too 
much;”  but  Jefferson  only  behaved  as  nine  men 
out  of  ten,  in  like  situations,  always  have  behaved 
and  always  will  behave.  He  deprecated  the  idea 
that  he  coveted  anything  so  much  as  the  lot  of 
living  quietly  at  home  ; but  he  took  all  he  could 
get  once,  twice,  and  thrice,  and  spent  twelve  years 
at  the  national  capital  without  any  determined  ef- 
forts to  escape. 

While  he  played  the  great  game  of  the  Republi- 
cans with  consummate  skill  and  in  the  best  of 
spirits,  Jefferson  never  neglected  those  little  affec- 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


157 


tations  which  win  the  confidence  of  shallow  look- 
ers-on. He  now  took  pains  to  arrange  that  no  spe- 
cial messenger  should  be  sent  to  notify  him  of  his 
election,  but  that  the  simple,  inexpensive,  eminently 
republican  means  of  the  post-office  should  be  em- 
ployed. Concerning  the  inauguration  he  said  : “ I 
hope  I shall  be  made  a part  of  no  ceremony  what- 
ever. I shall  escape  into  the  city  as  covertly  as 
possible.  If  Governor  Mifflin  should  show  any 
symptoms  of  ceremony,  pray  contrive  to  parry 
them.”  He  succeeded  in  carrying  out  this  plan  of 
slipping  as  it  were  unobserved  into  office ; and 
Adams,  who  had  quite  the  contrary  taste,  absorbed 
the  popular  attention. 

Jefferson  came  to  the  vice-presidency  in  a cheer- 
ful and  sanguine  temper.  He  saw  plainly  that 
Hamilton  was  no  longer  to  hold  supreme  control 
over  a united  party,  and  Hamilton  was  the  only 
man  among  the  Federalists  whom  he  really  feared. 
Neither  was  he  sorry  to  have  Washing-ton  also  out 
of  the  way,  for  he  had  long  regarded  Washington 
as  a Federalist,  moderate,  patriotic,  and  honest 
indeed,  but  vastly  more  dangerous  than  better 
partisans,  because  of  his  overshadowing  influence. 
June  17,  1797,  he  acknowledged  in  a letter  to 
Burr  that  he  had  “ always  hoped  that,  the  popu- 
larity of  the  late  President  being  once  withdrawn 
from  active  effect,  the  natural  feelings  of  the  peo- 
ple towards  liberty  would  restore  the  equilibrium 
between  the  executive  and  legislative  departments, 
which  had  been  destroyed  by  the  superior  weight 


158 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


and  effect  of  that  popularity.”  For  a few  weeks 
now  he  even  ventured  to  contemplate  the  possi- 
bility of  harmonious  relations  between  Mr.  Adams 
and  himself,  which  signified,  of  course,  that  by  his 
astuteness  he  would  achieve  an  influence  over  the 
blunt,  impetuous,  and  egotistical  President.  As 
the  best  introduction  to  this  friendliness,  he  had 
quickly  formed  the  clever  design  of  making  hatred 
of  Hamilton  a bond  of  union  between  Adams  and 
himself,  and  he  promptly  set  about  strengthening 
in  Adams’s  jealous  and  suspicious  nature  a senti- 
ment which  would  put  the  hot-headed  New  Eng- 
lander quite  within  his  control.  On  December  28, 
1796,  he  wrote  to  Adams:  “It  is  possible,  indeed, 
that  even  you  may  be  cheated  of  your  succession  by 
a trick  worthy  the  subtlety  of  your  arch  friend  of 
New  York,  who  has  been  able  to  make  of  your 
real  friends  tools  for  defeating  their  and  your  just 
wishes.”  From  this  time  until  they  met  he  studi- 
ously made  the  most  cordial  professions,  and  cast 
abroad  suave  and  pleasant  remarks  like  decoys  to 
the  very  uncertain  old  bird  whom  he  was  hopeful 
to  lure.  For  a day  or  two  after  his  arrival  at  the 
seat  of  government  his  anticipations  seemed  cor- 
rect. He  came  to  Philadelphia  on  March  2,  “ and 
called  instantly  on  Mr.  Adams.  . . . The  next 
morning  he  returned  my  visit.  . . . He  found  me 
alone  in  my  rooms,  and  shutting  the  door  himself, 
he  said  he  was  glad  to  find  me  alone,  for  that  he 
wished  a free  conversation  with  me.”  The  “ free 
conversation  ” must  have  been  most  grateful ; for 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


159 


the  President  expressed  his  wish  to  avoid  the  im- 
minent rupture  with  Prance,  and  to  send  an  “ im- 
mediate mission  to  the  Directory.”  Nay,  it  was 
even  “the  first  wish  of  his  heart”  to  make  Jeffer- 
son the  envoy ; but  since  both  agreed  that  this  was 
impossible,  Adams  suggested  that  Gerry  and  Madi- 
son, Republicans  both,  should  be  joined  with  Pinck- 
ney as  commissioners.  Such  fortune  was  too  good 
to  last.  Three  days  later  Jefferson  walked  home 
with  Adams  from  a dinner  party  at  General  Wash- 
ington’s house,  and  was  obliged  to  say  that  Madi- 
son’s refusal  was  positive.  Thereupon  Mr.  Adams 
“ immediately  said  that,  on  consultation,  some  ob- 
jections to  that  nomination  had  been  raised  which 
he  had  not  contemplated  ; and  was  going  on  with 
excuses  which  evidently  embarrassed  him,  when 
. . . our  road  separated,  . . . and  we  took  leave ; 
and  he  never  after  that  said  one  word  to  me  on 
the  subject,  or  ever  consulted  me  as  to  any  mea- 
sures of  the  government.”  Thus,  after  such  fleet- 
ins:  courtesies,  the  President  and  Vice-President  fell 
permanently  asunder ; and  somewhat  later  we  find 
Jefferson  wholly  uninformed  concerning  most  in- 
teresting items  of  foreign  diplomatic  proceedings. 
In  fact,  Adams  came  not  bringing  peace,  but  a 
sword  ; and  the  animosities  of  parties  and  of  indi- 
viduals have  never  been  fiercer  in  this  country 
than  they  were  during  his  administration. 

Very  soon  it  seemed  as  though  a real  sword 
would  be  drawn  in  what  the  Republicans  deemed 
an  unholy,  if  not  quite  a fratricidal,  conflict  with 


160 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


France.  The  Directory,  crazed  with  Napoleon’s 
victories,  were  finding  causes  of  war  against  all 
mankind.  A rumor  had  even  gained  currency  that 
the  failure  to  elect  Jefferson  president  woxxld  he 
construed  as  the  sufficient  inducement  for  hostili- 
ties against  the  United  States.  The  question  no 
longer  was  whether  this  country  should  he  driven 
into  declaring  war,  hut  whether  France  would  begin 
it.  She  professed  to  consider  the  recent  treaty 
with  England  as  a breach  of  treaties  previously 
made  with  herself.  When  Pinckney  arrived  to 
succeed  Monroe  as  minister,  she  insolently  turned 
him  away  ; she  issued  most  exti’aordinary  decrees 
against  American  commerce,  and  committed  intol- 
erable depredations  upon  American  shipping ; her 
Directory  dismissed  Monroe  with  compliments  to 
himself  so  framed  as  to  be  also  insults  to  the  gov- 
ernment which  had  recalled  him,  and  declared  that 
no  successor  would  be  received  until  the  United 
States  should  have  made  a satisfactory  redress  of 
grievances,  though  what  grievances  had  occurred 
was  unknown.  Such  exasperating  items  of  news, 
coming  in  rapid  succession,  fired  the  hot  temper 
of  Mr.  Adams,  disgusted  moderate  citizens,  and  of 
course  strengthened  the  party  hostile  to  Fi'ance. 
An  extra  session  of  Congress  was  convened  in  May, 
and  was  advised  by  the  President  to  create  a navy, 
to  fortify  harbors,  and  generally  to  prepare  for 
defensive  war.  The  Vice-President’s  party,  on 
the  other  hand,  became  anxious  and  despondent. 
Things  seemed  to  be  going  against  them.  Jeffer- 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


161 


son  noted  that  “ the  changes  in  the  late  election 
have  been  unfavorable  to  the  Republican  inter- 
est ; ” and  though  “ peace  was  the  universal  wish,” 
yet  he  was  fearful  that  Congress  might  “ now  raise 
their  tone  to  that  of  the  executive,  and  embark  in 
all  the  measures  indicative  of  war,  and,  by  taking 
a threatening  posture,  provoke  hostilities  from  the 
opposite  party.”  “ War,”  he  said,  “ is  not  the  best 
engine  for  us  to  resort  to.  Nature  has  given  us 
one  in  our  commerce,  which,  if  properly  managed, 
will  be  a better  instrument  for  obliging  the  inter- 
ested nations  of  Europe  to  ti'eat  us  with  justice.” 
He  was  in  favor  of  an  embargo.  Further,  he 
thought  that  the  warlike  cry  was  “ raised  by  a fac- 
tion composed  of  English  subjects  residing  among 
us,  or  such  as  are  English  in  all  their  relations  and 
sentiments.”  By  June  17  he  noted  with  pleasure 
that  “ Bonaparte’s  victories  and  those  on  the  Rhine, 
the  Austrian  peace,  British  bankruptcy,  mutiny  of 
the  seamen,1  and  Mr.  King’s  exhortations  to  pacific 
measures,”  had  alarmed  people  into  more  submis- 
sive sentiments. 

Adams,  though  naturally  combative,  justly  felt 
it  his  duty  to  keep  the  peace  if  possible.  Accord- 
ingly, while  France  still  lingered  in  the  stage  of 
threats  and  outrages,  he  appointed  Gerry  and  Mar- 
shall to  join  Pinckney  in  Paris  as  envoys  extraor- 
dinary. Jefferson  earnestly  implored  Gerry  to  go. 
He  wrote  : “ Peace  is  undoubtedly  at  present  the 
first  object  of  our  nation.  Interest  and  honor  are 

1 The  famous  mutiny  at  the  Nore. 


162 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


also  national  considerations.  But  interest,  duly 
weighed,  is  in  favor  of  peace  even  at  the  expense 
of  spoliations  past  and  future  ; and  honor  cannot 
now  be  an  object.  The  insults  and  injuries  com- 
mitted on  us  by  both  the  belligerent  parties,  from 
the  beginning  of  1793  to  this  day,  and  still  con- 
tinuing, cannot  now  be  wiped  off  by  engaging  in 
war  with  one  of  them.”  Nor  is  his  old  fear  of 
the  monarchists  banished  ; “ be  assured,”  he  says, 
“ that  if  we  engage  in  a war  during  our  present 
passions  and  our  present  weakness  in  some  quar- 
ters, our  Union  runs  the  greatest  risk  of  not  com- 
ing out  of  that  war  in  the  same  shape  in  which 
it  enters  it.  My  reliance  for  our  preservation  is 
on  your  acceptance  of  this  mission.”  Under  such 
pressure  Gerry  accepted,  but  in  an  evil  hour  for 
himself. 

Jefferson  has  left  a gloomy  picture  of  the  times. 
The  “ present  passions,”  he  says,  were  such  that 
political  opponents  could  no  longer  “separate  the 
business  of  the  state  from  that  of  society,”  and 
“ speak  to  each  other.”  “ Men  who  have  been 
intimate  all  their  lives  cross  the  street  to  avoid 
meeting,  and  turn  their  heads  another  way  lest 
they  should  be  obliged  to  touch  their  hats.”  All 
this,  he  says,  is  “ afflicting  ” to  him,  since  “ tran- 
quillity is  the  old  man’s  milk.”  Certainly  it  did 
not  advance  his  tranquillity  that,  in  this  summer 
of  1797,  his  famous  letter  to  Mazzei  found  its  way 
before  the  public.  This  had  been  written  April 
24, 1796,  to  his  old  friend  and  neighbor  in  Yir- 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


163 


ginia,  the  Italian  Mazzei,  then  in  Europe  ; had 
been  translated  “ from  English  into  Italian,  from 
Italian  into  French,  and  from  French  into  Eng- 
lish.” In  its  original  form  its  important  paragraph 
was  as  follows  : — 

“ The  aspect  of  our  politics  has  wonderfully  changed 
since  you  left  us.  In  place  of  that  noble  love  of  liberty 
and  republican  government  which  carried  us  trium- 
phantly through  the  war,  an  Anglican  monarchical  aris- 
tocratieal  party  has  sprung  up,  whose  avowed  object  is 
to  draw  over  us  the  substance,  as  they  have  already  done 
the  forms,  of  the  British  government.  The  main  body 
of  our  citizens,  however,  remain  true  to  their  republican 
principles ; the  whole  landed  interest  is  republican,  and 
so  is  a great  mass  of  talents.  Against  us  are  the  Execu- 
tive, the  Judiciary,  two  out  of  three  branches  of  the 
Legislature,  all  the  officers  of  the  government,  all  who 
want  to  be  officers,  all  timid  men  who  prefer  the  calm 
of  despotism  to  the  boisterous  sea  of  liberty,  British 
merchants,  and  Americans  trading  on  British  capitals, 
speculators  and  holders  in  the  banks  and  public  funds,  a 
contrivance  invented  for  the  purpose  of  corruption,  and 
for  assimilating  us  in  all  things  to  the  rotten  as  well  as 
the  sound  parts  of  the  British  model.  It  would  give 
you  a fever  were  I to  name  to  you  the  apostates  who 
have  gone  over  to  these  heresies,  men  who  were  Sam- 
sons in  the  field  and  Solomons  in  the  council,  but  who 
have  had  their  heads  shorn  by  the  harlot,  England.  In 
short,  we  are  likely  to  preserve  the  liberty  we  have  ob- 
tained, only  by  unremitting  labors  and  perils.  But  we 
shall  preserve  it ; and  our  mass  of  weight  and  wealth 
on  the  good  side  is  so  great  as  to  leave  no  danger  that 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


164 

force  will  ever  be  attempted  against  us.  We  have  only 
to  awake  and  snap  the  Lilliputian  cords  with  which  they 
have  been  entangling  us  during  the  first  sleep  which 
succeeded  our  labors.” 

In  the  shape  in  which  this  letter  at  last  came 
into  print  in  the  United  States,  the  “general 
substance,”  as  Jefferson  admitted,  remained  his, 
and  only  one  mistake  was  worth  correction.  The 
Federalists  at  once  raised  a howl  of  indignation. 
Washington  had  been  traduced,  they  said,  falsely, 
basely,  perfidiously,  by  an  apparent  friend.  Un- 
questionably there  was  a disagreeable  aspect  about 
the  matter,  which  it  would  have  been  pleasant  to 
be  able  to  remove,  but  presumably  there  were  diffi- 
culties in  the  way  of  a thorough  removal ; at  least 
Jefferson  wisely  refrained  from  entangling  expla- 
nations.1 Many  years  afterward  he  alleged  2 that 
his  strictures  were  not  aimed  at  Washington,  but 
at  the  other  members  of  the  Cincinnati ; and  that 
Washington  himself  could  not  have  misconstrued 
the  letter.  But  Federalist  historians  have  taken 
these  tardy  glosses  no  more  kindly  than  the  party 
at  the  time  took  the  letter.  Afterward  a story  was 
Circulated  that  Washington,  with  much  severity, 
called  Jefferson  to  account,  that  Jefferson  humbly 
apologized  or  explained,  but  that  the  correspond- 

t 

1 See  his  letter  to  Madison  of  August  3,  1797 ; Works  (Cong, 
ed.),  iv.  193. 

2 See  his  letter  to  Van  Buren  of  June  29,  1824,  which  contains 
Jefferson’s  side  of  this  famous  controversy,  very  carefully  and 
fully  stated.  Works  (Cong,  ed.),  vii.  362. 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


165 


ence  and  a volume  of  Washington’s  “ Diary  ” had 
disappeared,  presumably  through  the  aid  of  the 
private  secretary,  Lear,  -with  whom  Jefferson  was 
on  a footing  of  friendship,  which  in  this  connection 
seemed  suspicious.  All  this  Jefferson  vigorously 
denied,  and  even  such  a partisan  as  Mr.  Hildreth 
admits  that  “ the  evidence  of  the  story  is  wholly 
insufficient.”  Federalists  then,  however,  and  Fed- 
eralist writers  ever  since,  have  strenuously  asserted 
that  Jefferson  forfeited  Washington’s  confidence, 
as  if  this  fact,  if  true,  ought  to  involve  a like  with- 
drawal of  confidence  by  every  one  else.  It  has 
always  seemed  to  the  thorough  Federalist  that  to 
question  the  perfect  wisdom  of  W ashington  in  mat- 
ters political  was  a sort  of  secular  profanity,  and 
of  this  crime  Jefferson  was  on  some  few  occasions 
guilty.  Yet  in  the  main  Jefferson  undoubtedly  had 
a sincere  and  honest  reverence  for  Washington’s 
character,  and  was  not  hypocritical  in  treating  him 
with  respect  and  regard.  Though  at  times  he 
deplored  to  his  friends  the  use  and  effect  of  the 
President’s  influence,  and  though,  also,  he  prob- 
ably underrated  Washington’s  intellectual  ability, 
yet  in  his  strictly  personal  behavior  and  relations 
towards  Washington  he  compares  very  favorably 
even  with  the  Federalist  John  Adams.  Neither 
did  he  leave  behind  him  any  opinions  concerning 
Washington’s  mental  powers  nearly  so  derogatory 
as  those  which  Timothy  Pickering,  most  stalwart 
of  Federalists,  has  bequeathed  in  his  manuscripts. 
He  was  further  very  bitterly  reproached  for  not 


166 


THOMAS  JEFERSON 


controlling  or  ostracizing  certain  notorious  Repub- 
lican writers,  wlio  assailed  Washington  with  such 
a coarse  and  brutal  atrocity  as  recalls  the  worst 
days  of  Grub  Street.  It  was  unfortunate  that  he 
did  not  use  his  influence  to  restrain  these  men,  or 
that  he  did  not  venture  to  visit  them  with  his  per- 
sonal disfavor.  It  may  be  fairly  questioned  how 
far  the  head  of  a party  can  be  held  responsible  for 
the  tail ; but  Americans  always  have  thought,  and 
always  will  think,  that  the  case  of  Washington 
was  peculiar  and  deserved  a rule  for  itself.  It  was 
unpardonable  to  permit  such  gross  libels  as  were 
uttered  concerning  him,  if  they  could  be  stopped  ; 
this  has  been  the  sober  judgment  of  posterity 
no  less  than  of  all  dispassionate  contemporaries  ; 
and  it  has  always  been  believed  that  Jefferson 
could  have  safely  and  efficiently  exercised  such 
a restraining  authority.  In  his  exculpation  it  can 
only  be  said  that  he  was  never  coercive  in  han- 
dling his  followers,  and  that  his  policy  was  to  allow 
the  extreme  of  freedom  in  abuse  as  well  as  in  more 
commendable  matters.  He  himself  often  endured 
malignant  and  false  assaults  in  silence.  Neverthe- 
less the  American  people  have  never  forgiven  him 
for  standing  by  with  apparent  unconcern  while 
Washington  was  writhing  under  the  villainous  cal- 
umnies  of  the  Republican  news-writers.  At  the 
time  the  opportunity  to  represent  that  Jefferson 
was  habitually  backbiting  Washington,  that  he 
was  at  last  detected  flagrante  delicto , and  that 
there  was  consequent  alienation  between  the  two, 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


167 


was  a useful  weapon  vigorously  used  by  the  Feder- 
alists with,  perhaps,  as  much  honesty  as  is  consid- 
ered necessary  in  political  controversy. 

Meantime  the  envoys,  Pinckney,  Marshall,  and 
Gerry,  were  very  ill  received  in  Paris,  or  rather 
were  not  diplomatically  received  at  all.  The  Di- 
rectory refused  to  treat  imtil  their  own  mysterious 
grievances  should  have  been  redressed,  and  apolo- 
gies made  for  offensive  language  in  Mr.  Adams’s 
speech  to  Congress.  The  unfortunate  trio,  in- 
dignant, harassed,  and  despairing,  were  already 
contemplating  an  ignominious  return  from  a boot- 
less errand,  when  they  were  surprised  by  a visit 
from  certain  private  emissaries  of  Talleyrand.  In 
a series  of  interviews  these  go-betweens  proposed 
that  the  United  States  should  make  a public  loan 
to  the  Directory,  and  pay  a handsome  bribe  into 
the  hands  of  Talleyrand,  whereupon  injuries  and 
excuses  might  be  pretermitted,  and  negotiations 
would  advance  prosperously.  Much  talk  was 
wasted  on  this  shameless  proposition  which,  fortu- 
nately, came  to  nothing.  Then  at  last  Marshall 
and  Pinckney  withdrew  in  disgust.  Gerry  fool- 
ishly, though  not  altogether  without  some  specious 
excuse,  suffered  himself  to  be  persuaded  into  re- 
maining for  a while  alone ; an  action  upon  his 
part  which  was  doubtless  honestly  intended,  but 
which  was  at  best  of  questionable  propriety,  and 
which  subjected  him  to  fierce  denunciation  from 
the  Federalists,  who  declared  that  he  was  either 
the  dupe  or  the  willing  tool  of  the  Directory. 


168 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


In  March,  1798,  the  President,  in  a state  of 
great  irritation,  announced  to  Congress  and  to  the 
country  the  failure  of  the  mission.  The  excite- 
ment was  intense.  The  Federalists  hurried  for- 
ward with  motions  for  defensive  preparations,  and 
for  strengthening  and  organizing  the  army  and 
the  navy ; they  no  longer  admitted  a possibility  of 
avoiding  war.  The  Republicans  were  greatly  dis- 
turbed, but  maintained  a stout  opposition,  not  ab- 
solutely devoid  of  effect ; they  resembled  a brake 
grating  upon  wheels  which  may  be  impeded,  but 
cannot  be  stayed.  Very  soon,  however,  the  wheels 
seemed  to  free  themselves  from  all  check.  For  in 
response  to  a demand  upon  the  President  for  the 
correspondence  of  the  envoys,  the  whole  disgrace- 
ful story  of  the  proceedings  at  Paris  was  made 
public.  Only  in  place  of  the  real  names  of  the 
go-betweens  there  were  substituted  the  letters 
X Y Z,  which  thereafterward  gave  a name  to  the 
whole  affair.  The  country  burst  into  furious  in- 
dignation. The  President,  losing  his  head  as  usual 
when  the  hot  blood  surged  towards  his  brain,  made 
his  famous  and  foolish  assertion  that  no  minister 
should  again  be  sent  to  France  without  previous 
assurance  that  he  should  be  received  as  the  envoy 
of  a “ great,  free,  independent,  and  powerful  peo- 
ple.” The  Federalists  in  Congress  pushed  through 
one  vigorous  war  measure  after  another  ; the  mass 
of  the  people,  who  oscillate  in  the  middle  space 
between  the  decided  partisans,  now  went  over  in 
full  force  to  the  Federal  side  ; the  Republicans 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


169 


were  discomfited  and  almost  despairing ; some 
field  tfieir  peace  in  temporary  despair  and  confu- 
sion, wfiile  a few  kept  up  tfie  figfit,  in  the  desperate 
temper  of  tfie  Spartans  at  Thermopylae.  Scarcely 
any  one  of  either  party  dared  to  doubt  that  war 
was  close  at  hand. 

Amid  all  this  turmoil,  madness,  and  Republican 
demoralization,  Jefferson  displayed  a coolness  and 
ability  quite  rare  and  admirable.  Like  others  of 
his  way  of  thinking,  he  received  at  first  a painful 
shock  from  the  X Y Z developments,  but  rallied 
with  superb  courage  and  promptness.  The  occur- 
rence proved  to  him  that  Talleyrand  was  a rascal, 
but  not  that  alienation  was  either  necessary  or  pro- 
per between  France  and  the  United  States.  For 
Jefferson’s  political  faith  was  a profound,  immuta- 
ble conviction,  not  to  be  overthrown  by  isolated 
miscarriages  however  unfortunate.  His  eternal 
confidence  in  the  cause  of  freedom  and  of  the  peo- 
ple was  never  shaken  by  the  blunders  of  honest 
but  wrong-headed  colleagues,  such  as  Genet  had 
been,  nor  by  the  crimes  or  treachery  of  base  indi- 
viduals like  Talleyrand  and  the  Directory.  He 
did  not  lose  belief  in  principles  because  their  pro- 
minent advocates  now  and  again  lacked  wisdom  or 
integrity.  His  abiding  constancy  proves  that  he 
was  not  a hypocrite,  time-server,  and  demagogue, 
but  a thorough  and  sincere  believer  in  the  political 
doctrines  which  he  publicly  professed.  In  matters 
of  detail  he  was  politic,  not  always  ingenuous,  not 
rigidly  truthful,  not  altogether  incapable  of  subter- 


170 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


fuge  and  even  of  meanness.  But  he  never  in  any 
stress  deserted,  or  even  temporarily  disavowed,  liis 
main  principles.  He  never  lost  faith  or  courage. 
Democrats  might  commit  follies,  errors,  and 
crimes,  hut  he  stood  steadfastly  by  democracy. 
He  did  not  trim  his  sail  to  every  flaw  on  the  politi- 
cal ocean,  but  awaited  through  the  longest  unpro- 
mising days,  with  a noble  patience,  the  powerful 
and  steady  gale  which  he  was  convinced  would  in 
time  carry  the  nation  upon  the  true  course.  For 
though  a master  of  political  craft  he  was  not 
merely  a politician  ; he  was  a great  statesman, 
with  broad  views  and  grand  purposes,  whether 
sound  or  not.  Periods  like  that  through  which  he 
was  now  passing  proved  these  facts.  While  nar- 
rower intellectual  visions  were  filled  by  the  ugly 
panel  of  the  panorama  directly  before  them,  J ef- 
ferson  said  : this  will  soon  glide  into  the  limbo  of 
past  scenes,  and  must  not  alone  fasten  a character 
upon  the  whole  spectacle ; the  odiousness  of  this 
special  display  is  no  reason  for  condemning  the 
entire  show,  which,  as  a whole,  is  noble  and  im- 
proving. So  all  his  efforts  were  aimed  at  gaining 
time,  and  he  urged  a relentless  opposition  to  all 
measures  in  the  way  of  warlike  preparation. 

Events  justified  Jefferson’s  policy ; yet  for  the 
time  there  seemed  so  little  likelihood  of  such  a re- 
sult that  it  is  difficult  to  say  that  he  was  right  in 
opposing  all  precautionary  measures.  The  result 
did  not  come  about  in  the  way  that  he  expected. 
Nor  were  his  hopes  of  an  agreeable  kind ; for  he 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


171 


anticipated  tliat  a series  of  French  victories  would 
soon  so  discourage  the  people  that  they  would  pre- 
fer to  submit  to  unjust  French  demands  rather 
than  to  encounter  invincible  French  troops.  In 
fact,  the  escape  came  not  in  this  humiliating  shape, 
but  through  the  different  and  surprising  channel  of 
conciliatory  advances  on  the  part  of  France  and  an 
extraordinary  response  from  Mr.  Adams.  Talley- 
rand, confounded  by  the  publication  of  his  knav- 
ery, but  too  wise  to  fall  into  a rage,  which  would 
have  been  substantially  a plea  of  guilty,  declared 
that  the  whole  X Y Z episode  had  been  a huge 
mistake.  Soon  he  further  intimated  to  Vans 
Murray,  the  American  minister  at  the  Hague,  that 
France  desired  to  reopen  negotiations  on  a friendly 
footing.  The  whole  story  is  one  of  the  most  inter- 
esting in  the  history  of  the  United  States,  but  as  it 
is  also  one  of  the  most  familiar,  there  can  be  no 
excuse  for  appropriating  any  of  our  limited  space 
to  its  repetition.  The  result  was,  as  every  one 
knows,  that  Mr.  Adams,  of  his  own  motion,  dis- 
patched a new  embassy  to  France,  succeeded  in 
making  a treaty  and  avoiding  a war,  and  by  his 
courage,  independence,  and  obstinacy  conferred 
upon  the  United  States  as  great  a good  as  the 
country  has  ever  received  at  the  hands  of  a presi- 
dent. At  the  same  time  he  split  the  already  in- 
harmonious Federal  party  into  two  hostile  divisions, 
which  for  the  future  hated  each  other  with  that 
peculiar  virulence  which  marks  a family  feud. 

During  Mr.  Adams’s  administration  the  Federal- 


172 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ists,  besides  falling  into  many  foolish  quarrels  and 
blunders,  were  guilty  of  one  real  political  crime. 
This  was  the  passage,  amid  the  French  excitement, 
of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  acts,  statutes  probably 
contrary  to  the  letter  and  certainly  grossly  discord- 
ant with  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution.  Under 
the  extreme  provocation  thus  given,  Jefferson’s 
wonted  coolness  and  sagacity  deserted  him,  and  he 
concocted  a Republican  antidote  far  worse  than 
the  Federalist  poison.  He  drew  the  wicked  “Ken- 
tucky resolutions.”  Intending  them  as  a protest 
against  unconstitutional  enactments,  he  far  outran 
the  constitutional  limits  of  the  most  vigorous  pro- 
test, and  wrote  a document  which  was  simply  revo- 
lutionary. Even  the  reckless  frontier  legislators 
administered  a severe  blood  - letting  to  it  before 
they  would  pass  it.  Yet  even  in  its  modified  form 
it  remained  a foundation  and  sufficient  precedent 
and  authority  for  all  the  subsequent  secession  doc- 
trines of  the  Eastern  States,  for  the  nullification 
proceedings  of  South  Carolina,  almost,  if  not  quite, 
for  the  rebellion  of  1861.  Reacting  against  ex- 
treme oppression,  Jefferson  fell  into  the  abyss  of 
what  has  since  been  regarded  as  treason.  The 
misfortune  is  attributable  to  his  theorizing  argu- 
mentative habit  of  laying  down  abstract  doctrines 
of  right  and  wrong  in  matters  of  government.  In 
his  defense  it  can  only  be  said  that  nullification 
and  secession  appeared  less  heinous  in  his  day  than 
in  later  times.  Even  Madison  soon  afterward 
drew  the  Virginia  resolutions,  only  a little  less 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


173 


objectionable  than  the  work  of  Jefferson.  It  is 
indicative  of  the  light  in  which  such  doctrines  were 
then  regarded,  that  these  proceedings  did  not  seri- 
ously injure  either  their  authors  or  the  party  which 
adopted  them. 

Yet  when  it  was  the  other  party  that  found 
threats  of  secession  convenient,  Jefferson  was  fully 
sensible  of  the  folly  of  such  schemes.  In  June, 
1798,  he  wrote  : — 

“ If  on  a temporary  superiority  of  one  of  the  parties 
the  other  is  to  resort  to  a scission  of  the  Union,  no  federal 
government  can  ever  exist.  If  to  rid  ourselves  of  the 
present  rule  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  we  break 
the  Union,  will  the  evil  stop  there  ? Suppose  the  New 
England  States  alone  cut  off,  will  our  nature  be  changed  ? 
Are  we  not  men  still  to  the  south  of  that,  and  with  all 
the  passions  of  men  ? Immediately  we  shall  see  a Penn- 
sylvania and  a Virginia  party  arise  in  the  residuary  con- 
federacy, and  the  public  mind  will  he  distracted  with 
the  same  party  spirit.  What  a game,  too,  will  the  one 
party  have  in  their  hands  by  eternally  threatening  the 
other  that  unless  they  do  so  and  so  they  will  immediately 
join  their  northern  neighbors ! If  we  reduce  our  Union 
to  Virginia  and  North  Carolina,  immediately  the  conflict 
will  he  established  between  the  representatives  of  these 
two  States,  and  they  will  end  by  breaking  into  their 
simple  units.” 

In  other  words,  secession  was  a medicine  which 
only  one  physician  could  be  allowed  to  prescribe. 

In  March,  1800,  both  parties  were  already 
eagerly  forecasting  the  chances  of  the  autumnal 


174 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


elections.  Jefferson  wrote:  “The  Federalists  be- 
gin to  be  very  seriously  alarmed  about  tlieir  elec- 
tion next  fall.  Their  speeches  in  private,  as  well 
as  their  public  and  private  demeanor  to  me,  indi- 
cate it  strongly.”  After  a careful  discussion  of 
the  chances  in  the  doubtful  States,  he  cautiously 
declared  his  own  conclusion  : “ Upon  the  whole 
I consider  it  as  rather  more  doubtful  than  the 
last  election,  in  which  I was  not  deceived  in  more 
than  a vote  or  two.”  But  he  allows  it  to  be  plainly 
read  between  the  lines  that,  though  stopping  short 
of  actually  predicting  a Republican  success,  he  is 
really  very  sanguine  of  it.  He  had  abundant 
ground  for  stronger  hopes  than  he  expressed. 

The  Federalists  threw  aside  all  scruples  in  con- 
ducting their  campaign.  A sample  of  the  abuse 
and  falsehood  in  which  they  dealt  may  be  seen  in 
one  of  the  stories  which  they  circulated  concerning 
Jefferson,  charging  that  “ he  had  obtained  his 
property  by  fraud  and  robbery  ; that  in  one  in- 
stance he  had  defrauded  and  robbed  a widow  and 
fatherless  children  of  an  estate  to  which  he  was 
executor,  of  ten  thousand  pounds  sterling,  by  keep- 
ing the  property  and  paying  them  in  money  at  the 
nominal  rate,  when  it  was  worth  no  more  than 
forty  to  one.”  The  facts  were  stated  by  Jefferson 
to  one  of  his  friends  as  follows  : — 

“ I never  was  executor  but  in  two  instances,  both  of 
which  having  taken  place  about  the  beginning  of  the 
Revolution,  which  withdrew  me  immediately  from  all 
private  pursuits,  I never  meddled  in  either  executorship. 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


175 


In  one  of  the  cases  only  were  there  a widow  and  chil- 
dren. She  was  my  sister.  She  retained  and  managed 
the  estate  in  her  own  hands,  and  no  part  of  it  was 
ever  in  mine.  In  the  other  I was  a copartner  and  only 
received  on  a division  the  equal  portion  allotted  me. 

. . . Again,  my  property  is  all  patrimonial,  except 
about  seven  or  eight  hundred  pounds’  worth  of  lands, 
purchased  by  myself  and  paid  for,  not  to  widows  and 
orphans,  but  to  the  very  gentleman  from  whom  I pur- 
chased.” 

These  denials,  he  said,  he  would  vouchsafe  to 
his  friend,  but  added,  “ I only  pray  that  my  letter 
may  not  go  out  of  your  hands,  lest  it  should  get 
into  the  newspapers,  a bear-garden  scene  into 
which  I have  made  it  a point  to  enter  on  no  pro- 
vocation.” He  was  probably  the  better  able  to 
keep  this  wise  resolution,  because  he  shrewdly  ap- 
preciated that  the  rancor  and  personal  malignity 
of  his  opponents  were  a sure  indication  of  their 
sense  of  weakness  and  of  coming  defeat.  The 
party  which  indulges  most  freely  in  false  personal 
vituperation  almost  invariably  finds  itself  beaten 
at  the  polls. 

This  outcome  grew  steadily  more  certain  as  the 
election  drew  nearer.  The  Federalists  were  dis- 
heartened and  fore-doomed  by  the  internal  dissen- 
sions which  split  their  party  into  factions  more 
hostile  and  jealous  towards  each  other  than  to- 
wards the  common  foe.  The  schism  which  Adams 
had  opened  could  not  be  closed,  and  inevitable  de- 
struction awaited  a house  so  divided  against  itself. 


176 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Defeat  was  further  insured  by  the  admirable  con- 
dition of  the  Republican  party.  It  seems  prob- 
able that  for  some  time  before  the  autumn  of  1800, 
a fair  polling  of  the  people  would  have  shown 
many  more  voters  of  Republican  than  of  Federal- 
ist proclivities.  It  had  been  the  ability  and  in- 
dividual force  of  the  Federalist  leaders  which  had 
enabled  them  to  maintain  the  party  supremacy  so 
long.  But  at  last  the  Republicans  had  become 
thoroughly  consolidated,  and  now,  cheered  by  the 
spectacle  presented  by  their  discordant  adversa- 
ries, they  were  united,  enthusiastic,  and  confident. 
It  had  taken  time  for  discipline  and  organization 
to  become  perfectly  established  throughout  their 
masses,  more  especially  because  the  labor  had 
fallen  almost  exclusively  upon  one  man.  For  Jef- 
ferson had  been  obliged  to  assume  the  task  with 
very  little  assistance.  Burr  alone,  in  New  York, 
had  proved  a really  able  political  lieutenant.  At 
last,  however,  by  tactics  and  policy  intangible  and 
indescribable  but  wonderfully  efficient,  the  im- 
mense multitudes  which  constituted  the  Republi- 
can raw  material  had  been  moulded  into  an  irre- 
sistible array,  and  he  who  had  done  this  feat  still 
justly  enjoys  the  reputation  of  being  the  ablest 
political  leader  who  has  ever  lived  in  this  country. 
The  secret  of  Jefferson’s  control  of  the  ignorant 
populace  was  undoubtedly  his  honest  faith  in 
thenx^UKe^ instinctively  felt  that  his  profession  of 
belief  in  the  lower  two  thirds  of  the  community 
was  genuine  ; in  return  they  gave  gratitude  and 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


177 


confidence,  and  for  years  patiently  submitted  to 
the  drill,  which  he  conducted  with  admirable  tem- 
per and  untiring  perseverance.  Thus  he  had  now 
at  length  made  them  an  invincible  body,  accom- 
plishing in  politics  with  the  voters  of  the  United 
States  very  much  the  same  thing  that  Napoleon 
was  doing  in  military  matters  with  the  untutored 
militia  of  France,  inspiring  them  with  the  irresisti- 
ble spirit  of  victory. 

This  comparative  condition  of  the  two  parties 
was  so  well  understood  that  no  intelligent  observer 
was  surprised  at  the  result  of  the  elections.  There 
had  been  some  talk  of  the  old  manoeuvre  of  with- 
drawing a few  Federalist  votes  from  Adams  in 
order  to  bring  in  Charles  C.  Pinckney  ahead  of 
him ; but  the  leaders  became  aware  of  the  peril  of 
their  situation  in  time  to  shun  this  folly.  There 
had  also  been  some  danger  that  a few  Republican 
votes  might  be  thrown  away,  in  order  to  prevent 
the  occurrence  of  a tie  between  the  two  Republican 
candidates.  On  December  15  Jefferson  wrote : 
“ Decency  required  that  I should  be  so  entirely 
passive  during  the  late  contest,  that  I never  once 
asked  whether  arrangements  had  been  made  to 
prevent  so  many  from  dropping  votes  intentionally 
as  might  frustrate  half  the  Republican  wish ; nor 
did  I doubt,  till  lately,  that  such  had  been  made/’ 
In  spite  of  this  protestation,  it  is  altogether  incred- 
ible that  a party  led  by  Jefferson  would  ever  have 
been  permitted  to  lapse  into  so  unpardonable  a 
blunder  as  that  which  had  made  him  vice-presi< 


178 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


dent,  especially  after  the  palpable  warning  of  that 
occurrence.  In  fact,  when  the  time  came  neither 
party  wasted  any  strength,  and  the  votes  of  the 
electoral  colleges  showed  for  Jefferson  73  votes, 
for  Burr  73,  for  Adams  65,  for  €!.  C.  Pinckney 
64,  for  Jay  1.  The  equality  between  Jefferson 
and  Burr  of  course  cast  the  election  into  the  House 
of  Representatives. 

A period  of  extreme  anxiety  had  now  to  be 
endured,  scarcely  more  by  Jefferson  than  by  the 
whole  people  of  the  United  States.  Por  the  politi- 
cal composition  of  the  House  was  such  that  the 
Republicans  could  not  control  the  choice,  and  the 
Federalists,  though  of  course  still  more  unable 
to  do  so,  yet  had  the  power  by  holding  steadily 
together  to  prevent  any  election  whatsoever.  Mo- 
mentous as  such  a political  crime  would  be,  never- 
theless many  influential  Federalists  soon  showed 
themselves  sufficiently  embittered  and  vindictive 
to  contemplate  it.  “ Several  of  the  high-flying 
Fedei’alists,”  wrote  Jefferson,  December  15,  1800, 
“ have  expressed  their  determination  ...  to  pre- 
vent a choice  by  the  House  of  Representatives  . . . 
and  let  the  government  devolve  on  a president 
of  the  Senate.”  This  threat  naturally  produced 
“ great  dismay  and  gloom  on  the  Republican  gen- 
tlemen here,  and  exultation  in  the  Federalists,  who 
openly  declare  they  . . . will  name  a president  of 
the  Senate  pro  tem.  by  what  they  say  would  only 
be  a stretch  of  the  Constitution.”  Some  Federal- 
ists asserted  that  even  anarchy  was  preferable  to 


VICE-PRESIDENT  - 


179 


the  success  of  Jefferson.  December  31,  Jefferson 
wrote:  “We  do  not  see  what  is  to  be  the  end  of 
the  present  difficulty.  The  Federalists  . . . pro- 
pose to  prevent  an  election  in  Congress,  and  to 
transfer  the  government  by  an  act  to  the  chief  jus- 
tice [Jay]  or  secretary  of  state  [Marshall],  or  to 
let  it  devolve  on  the  secretary  pro  tem.  of  the  Sen- 
ate till  next  December,  which  gives  them  another 
year’s  predominance  and  the  chances  of  future 
events.  The  Republicans  propose  to  press  for- 
ward to  an  election.  If  they  fail  in  this,  a concert 
between  the  two  higher  candidates  may  prevent 
the  dissolution  of  the  government  and  danger  of 
anarchy,  by  an  operation  bungling  indeed  and 
imperfect,  but  better  than  letting  the  legislature 
take  the  nomination  of  the  executive  entirely  from 
the  people.”  This  “ operation  ” was  explained, 
after  the  crisis  had  passed,  as  follows  : “ I have 
been  above  all  things  solaced  by  the  prospect 
which  opened  on  us  in  the  event  of  a non-election 
of  a president,  in  which  case  the  federal  govern- 
ment would  have  been  in  the  situation  of  a clock 
or  watch  run  down.  There  was  no  idea  of  force, 
nor  of  any  occasion  for  it.  A convention,  invited 
by  the  Republican  members  of  Congress,  with  the 
virtual  president  and  vice-president,  would  have 
been  on  the  ground  in  eight  weeks,  would  have 
repaired  the  Constitution  where  it  was  defective, 
and  wound  it  up  again.”  It  was  easy  for  Jeffer- 
son to  write  thus  tranquilly  and  to  settle  a terrible 
jeopardy  by  an  obvious  simile,  after  the  substam 


180 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


tial  peril  had  passed  away  and  he  had  been  occu-  I 
pying  the  presidential  chair  for  upwards  of  a | 
fortnight.  But  it  was  most  fortunate  for  the  coun-  ] 
try  that  he  and  his  friends  were  not  driven  to  this 
“ peaceable  and  legitimate  resoui’ce  ; ” they  would 
hardly  have  succeeded  in  such  an  extra-constitu-  j 
tional  process  of  national  watch-winding  in  the  j 
teeth  of  the  daring  and  vindictive  men  who  led  the  j 
powerful  Federal  minority.  Still  worse  would  it 
have  been  for  the  infant  nation  if  force  had  been  . 
resorted  to,  of  which,  though  repudiated  by  Jeffer-  J 
son,  there  was  some  talk  by  others,  in  case  the  j 
scheme  of  making  Jay  or  Marshall  president  should  I 
he  seriously  undertaken.  “ If  they  could  have  been 
permitted,”  wrote  Jefferson,  “ to  pass  a law  for  put-  I 
ting  the  government  into  the  hands  of  an  officer,  I 
they  would  certainly  have  prevented  an  election.  | 
But  we  thought  it  best  to  declare  openly  and  firmly,  j 
once  for  all,  that  the  day  such  an  act  passed,  the  { 
Middle  States  would  arm,  and  that  no  such  usur-  t 
pation,  even  for  a single  day,  should  be  submit-  I 
ted  to.  This  first  shook  them ; and  they  were  { 
completely  alarmed  at  the  resource  for  which  we  < 
declared,  to  wit,  a convention  to  reorganize  the 
government  and  to  amend  it.  The  very  word  i 
‘ convention  ’ gives  them  the  horrors.”  These  let-  I 
ters  present  an  example  of  the  contradictions  into 
which  Jefferson  was  constantly  led  by  his  uncon- 
querable passion  for  construing  facts  to  suit  his  i 
purpose  or  feelings  of  the  moment.  If  the  threat  i 
that  “ the  Middle  States  would  arm  ” was  so  seri- 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


181 


ously  made  that  the  Federalists  were  overawed 
thereby,  he  was  not  justified  in  complacently  say- 
ing that  there  was  “ no  idea  of  force  nor  of  any 
occasion  for  it.”  It  was  his  disingenuous  way  of 
making  any  allegation  which  would  redound  to  the 
credit  of  his  party  and  his  political  creed. 

Perhaps  through  a fear  of  some  of  the  conse- 
quences above  indicated,  or  perhaps  by  reason  of  a 
revival  of  good  sense  and  pati’iotic  feeling  among 
the  Federalist  leaders,  the  more  extravagant  plans 
were  gradually  superseded  by  a project  marked  by 
nothing  worse  than  petty  malice.  Before  the  vot- 
ing in  the  House  was  begun,  the  Federalists  had 
determined  to  I'est  content  with  the  personal  defeat 
of  Jefferson.  Though  the  electors  could  not  desig- 
nate which  of  the  two  persons  for  whom  they  voted 
they  intended  for  president  and  which  for  vice- 
president,  yet  it  was  perfectly  well  known  that  the 
whole  Republican  party  had  been  of  one  mind  in 
designing  the  first  place  for  Jefferson.  Indeed,  for 
this  position  Burr  would  have  been  by  no  means 
even  their  second  choice  ; it  was  not  without  reluc- 
tance and  hesitation  that  they  had  brought  them- 
selves to  give  him  the  vice-presidency  as  the  price 
of  his  local  influence.  But  the  Federalists,  of 
course,  cared  not  at  all  for  these  facts ; they  only 
cherished  a hatred  and  fear  of  Jefferson  propor- 
tioned to  the  love  and  trust  felt  towards  him  by 
the  Republicans.  To  throw  him  out  would  seem 
half  a victory  ; and  further,  many  Federalists  would 
have  been  so  much  pleased  to  see  Adams  defeated, 


182 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


tliat  they  would  have  been  almost  reconciled  to  the 
success  of  that  Republican  candidate  who  was  really 
undesired  by  his  own  party.  A revenge  which 
hurt  so  many  of  those  whom  they  disliked  seemed 
likely  to  tempt  anti- Adams  Federalists  beyond  their 
strength  of  resistance.  Happily  they  were  stayed 
from  the  immediate  accomplishment  of  the  plan 
by  the  impossibility  of  so  dividing  the  Republican 
members  as  to  effect  the  necessary  combinations; 
and  during  this  fortunate  delay  strong  influences 
were  *at  work  to  save  the  party  from  the  stigma  of 
such  disgraceful  conduct.  Hamilton  strenuously 
and  nobly  exerted  the  great  authority  which  he 
still  wielded ; and  though  at  first  few  would  listen 
to  him,  yet  in  time  his  wonderful  force  triumphed 
again  as  it  had  so  often  done  in  years  gone  by.  It 
is  one  of  the  strangest  tales  that  history  has  to  tell, 
that  Alexander  Hamilton  was  a chief  influence  in 
making  Thomas  Jefferson  president  of  the  United 
States.  In  so  doing,  the  great  Federalist  acted  j 
from  a strict  sense  of  duty,  not  from  any  good-will 
towards  Jefferson  personally  ; and  perhaps  this  fact 
absolved  Jefferson  from  any  duty  of  gratitude, 
which  certainly  he  never  manifested  in  the  faintest 
degree,  even  in  a negative  way.  Upon  the  seventh 
day  of  the  balloting,  February  17,  1801,  the  long 
anxiety,  which  had  weighed  terribly  not  more  upon 
Jefferson  individually  than  upon  the  people  of  the 
whole  country,  was  brought  to  an  end.  The  Feder- 
alist representative  from  Vermont  absented  himself ; 
the  two  Federalists  from  Maryland  put  in  blank 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


183 


ballots.  So  ten  States,  a sufficient  number,  voted 
for  Jefferson  for  president.  No  one,  as  Jefferson 
declared  with  some  pleasure,  bad  changed  sides  ; 
the  result  bad  been  achieved  not  by  apostate  votes 
but  by  the  more  agreeable  process  of  abstention. 
The  Constitution  bad  passed  through  a strain  of 
such  severity  as  it  has  never  but  once  since  then 
encountered.  Recurrence  of  the  clanger  was  soon 
averted  by  a constitutional  amendment  providing 
that  the  electors  should  designate  in  their  ballots 
their  choice  for  president  and  for  vice-president. 

Federalist  writers  have  alleged  that  “ terms  ” 
were  made  with  Jefferson  before  his  election  was 
permitted  to  take  place.  But  this  assertion,  in- 
tended to  cast  a blot  upon  his  behavior,  has  the 
most  insignificant  foundation,  if,  indeed,  it  has  any 
at  all.  He  himself  said,  February  15,  1801,  “ I 
have  declared  to  them  unequivocally,  that  I would 
not  receive  the  government  on  capitulation,  that  I 
would  not  go  into  it  with  my  hands  tied.”  He  did 
not  do  so.  He  was  not  a man  who  could  ever 
have  been  induced  to  such  a transaction.  The  most 
that  passed,  if  anything  at  all  did  really  pass,  was 
a statement  made  by  one  of  his  friends  that,  if 
elected,  he  did  not  intend  to  set  himself  to  over- 
throw all  the  important  Federalist  legislation  of 
the  past  twelve  years,  or  to  make  a clean  sweep 
of  Federalist  incumbents  from  government  offices. 
If  this  exposition  of  his  eminently  proper  intentions 
brought  any  reassurance  to  the  Federalists  it  only 
shows  how  absurdly  they  were  frightened.  Jeffer- 


184 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


son  had  been  through  a trying  ordeal  in  a very 
honorable  and  clean-handed  way ; and  in  obtaining 
the  presidency  he  got  no  more  than  he  was  right- 
eously entitled  to. 

Burr  came  out  as  badly  as  Jefferson  came  well. 
He  had  been  perfectly  willing  to  acquire  the  presi- 
dency by  the  foul  means  of  a Federal  alliance,  in 
direct  contravention  of  the  well-known  wishes  of 
his  own  party.  A more  gross  betrayal  of  confi- 
dence could  hardly  be  conceived,  even  in  political 
life.  He  had  made  it  clear  that  his  heart  was  set 
upon  personal  aggrandizement  and  not  upon  a Re- 
publican success.  His  untrustworthiness  appeared 
the  more  despicable  by  comparison  with  the  strictly 
honorable  conduct  of  Jefferson,  who  might  have 
excused  endeavors  on  his  own  behalf  upon  the 
plausible  ground  that  he  was  only  forwarding  the 
avowed  will  of  the  party.  The  antipathy  with 
which  many  persons  had  long  since  learned  to  re- 
gard Burr  now  became  the  sentiment  of  all  honest 
and  intelligent  men  in  the  nation.  The  time  was 
not  far  distant  when  he  was  sorely  to  need  faithful 
friends ; hut  his  conduct  in  these  days  of  tempta- 
tion had  alienated  all  upright  men.  His  behavior 
was  the  more  base  because  Jefferson  had  behaved 
handsomely  towards  him  throughout,  and,  while 
the  question  was  still  unsettled,  wrote  to  him  that 
“ it  was  to  be  expected  that  the  enemy  would  en- 
deavor to  sow  tares  between  us,  that  they  might 
divide  us  and  our  friends.  Every  consideration 
satisfies  me  that  you  will  be  on  your  guard  against 


VICE-PRESIDENT 


185 


this,  as  I assure  you  I am  strongly.”  But  how- 
ever Jefferson  might  deprecate  quarrels  in  the 
party,  both  on  political  and  personal  considera- 
tions, it  was  not  in  human  nature  that  his  faith  in 
Burr  should  not  be  gravely  impaired,  and  that  his 
private  good-will  towards  such  an  unscrupulous 
competitor  shordd  not  be  completely  undermined. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


PRESIDENT  : FIRST  TERM.  — OFFICES.  — CAL- 
LENDER 

On  the  evening  of  March  3,  1801,  being  the  last 
day  of  Federalist  domination  in  the  United  States, 
the  functionaries  of  the  moribund  party  were  busy 
in  a not  very  reputable  way.  President  Adams 
was  making  Federalist  nominations  to  official  po- 
sitions, and  sending  them  in  to  the  Senate,  which 
was  rapidly  confirming  them,  and  John  Marshall, 
secretary  of  state,  was  signing  commissions  with 
zealous  dispatch.  The  hour  of  midnight  came 
upon  him  while  thus  employed,  and  a dramatic 
tale  represents  Levi  Lincoln,  who  was  to  be  attor- 
ney-general under  Jefferson,  walking  into  Mar- 
shall’s office,  with  Mr.  Jefferson’s  watch  in  his 
hand,  and  staying  this  process  of  office-filling  pre- 
cisely at  twelve  o’clock,  though  many  unsigned 
commissions  still  lay  on  the  table.  This  behavior 
of  the  Federalists  would  have  been  unhandsome 
enough  under  any  circumstances,  but  was  rendered 
doubly  so  by  the  fact  that  they  professed  to  regard 
Jefferson  as  pledged  not  to  interfere  with  the  per- 
sons whom  he  should  find  occupying  governmental 
posts  at  his  accession.  Adams  added  his  own 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


187 


little  personal  insult  by  driving  out  of  Washing- 
ton during  the  night,  in  order  to  avoid  the  specta- 
cle of  the  following  day.  In  one  sense  of  the 
word  that  spectacle  was  sufficiently  extraordinary 
to  be  worth  seeing,  for  Jefferson  had  resolved  that 
no  pageant  should  give  the  lie  to  his  democratic 
principles,  and  accordingly  he  rode  on  horseback, 
clad  in  studiously  plain  clothes,  without  attendants, 
to  the  capitol,  dismounted,  tied  his  horse  to  the 
fence,  and  walked  imceremoniously  into  the  senate 
chamber.1  There  he  delivered  his  inaugural  ad- 
dress, an  effusion  rhetorical  to  excess  and  breath- 
ing boundless  philanthropy.  One  can  read  between 
the  lines  of  his  declamatory  harangue  the  conviction 
of  the  speaker  that  his  accession  to  office  marked 
the  opening  of  a glorious  epoch  in  human  progress. 

This  careful  abstinence  from  display  marked  the 
new  President's  whole  official  career,  and  at  times 
was  carried  to  an  extreme  which  was,  perhaps, 
even  more  pretentious  and  ill-judged  than  was  the 
contrary  fashion  which  he  so  pointedly  endeavored 
to  condemn.  For  instance,  when  Mr.  Merry,  the 
British  minister,  was  to  be  presented,  and  went 
“ in  full  official  costume  ” at  the  appointed  day 
and  hour,  in  company  with  Mr.  Madison,  the  sec- 
retary of  state,  to  the  presidential  mansion,  he  was 
astonished  by  a scene  which  he  described  as  fol- 
lows : — 

1 This  legend  is  far  from  being  sufficiently  vouched  for ; but 
it  has  been  repeated  for  so  long  a time,  that  it  has  come  to  be 
accepted  as  a sort  of  truth  by  prescription. 


188 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


“ On  arriving  at  the  hall  of  audience  we  found  it 
empty,  at  which  Mr.  Madison  seemed  surprised,  and 
proceeded  to  an  entry  leading  to  the  President’s  study. 
I followed  him,  supposing  the  introduction  was  to  take 
place  in  the  adjoining  room.  At  this  moment  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson entered  the  entry  at  the  other  end,  and  all  three 
of  us  were  packed  in  this  narrow  space,  from  which,  to 
make  room,  I was  obliged  to  back  out.  In  this  awkward 
position  my  introduction  to  the  President  was  made  by 
Mr.  Madison.  Mr.  Jefferson’s  appearance  soon  ex- 
plained to  me  that  the  general  circumstances  of  my  re- 
ception had  not  been  accidental,  but  studied.  I,  in  my 
official  costume,  found  myself,  at  the  hour  of  reception 
he  had  himself  appointed,  introduced  to  a man  as  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  not  merely  in  an  undress, 
hut  actually  standing  in  slippers  down  at  the  heels,  and 
both  pantaloons,  coat,  and  underclothes  indicative  of  utter 
slovenliness  and  indifference  to  appearances,  and  in  a 
state  of  negligence  actually  studied.” 

This  was  the  ostentation  of  simplicity ; and 
whether  it  shall  be  thought  better  than  the  osten- 
tation of  ceremonial  is  a mere  question  of  the  form 
in  which  personal  vanity  happens  to  be  developed, 
though  Jefferson  preferred  to  exalt  it  into  matter 
of  principle.  But  beyond  being  an  affectation,  it 
had,  in  this  instance  at  least,  a serious  effect ; for 
it  incensed  the  minister,  who  “ could  not  doubt 
that  the  whole  scene  was  prepared  and  intended 
as  an  insult,  not,  perhaps,  to  himself  personally, 
but  to  the  sovereign  whom  he  represented.”  Jef- 
ferson’s object,  however,  was  not  to  displease  either 
Mr.  Merry  or  George  III. ; he  aimed  his  dress  and 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


180 


deportment  at  that  section  of  society  in  which  his 
constituents  were  chiefly  to  be  found,  and  with 
the  skill  of  a good  actor  he  divined  accurately  the 
taste  of  his  audience. 

"When  Jefferson  was  vice-president  he  had  said: 
“The  second  office  of  the  government  is  honor- 
able and  easy,  the  first  is  hut  a splendid  misery.” 
From  the  foregoing  anecdotes  it  may  be  conceived 
that  he  succeeded  in  escaping  the  splendor,  and 
upon  the  misery  he  certainly  entered  in  a remark- 
ably cheerful  frame  of  mind.  He  was  justified  in 
doing  so,  since,  in  respect  alike  of  the  foreign  and 
domestic  outlook,  he  had  every  reason  to  anticipate 
a tranquil  and  prosperous  administration.  Not 
only  was  his  party  dominant  for  the  time,  but  he 
could  distinctly  foresee  that  it  was  likely  to  retain 
and  increase  its  power  through  many  years  to  come. 

In  this  ruling  party  he  was  supreme ; he  intended 
that  his  sway  should  be  gentle,  reasonable,  and 
beneficent,  but  he  knew  that  it  would  be  none  the 
less  absolute  because  his  own  moderation  might 
hold  it  free  from  the  traditional  evil  characteristics 
of  a despotism.  Beneath  such  genial  influences  his 
philanthropic  good-will  towards  mankind  expanded 
liberally.  All  his  thoughts  and  words  were  of  ^ 
comprehensive  love  and  universal  benevolence. 

He  designed  to  be  master  of  a political  menagerie 
in  which  Federalist  lions  should  lie  down  peace- 
fully among  his  flocks  of  Republican  lambs,  and 
only  a very  few  irredeemable  “ monarchist  ” snakes 
would  have  to  be  shut  up  in  a secure  cage  by  them- 


190 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


V 


selves.  “ My  hope,”  lie  said,  “ is  that  the  distinc- 
tion will  be  soon  lost,  or,  at  most,  that  it  will 
be  only  of  a republican  and  monarchist ; that  the 
body  of  the  nation,  even  that  part  which  French 
excesses  forced  over  to  the  Federal  side,  will  rejoin 
the  Republicans,  leaving  only  those  who  were  pure 
monarchists,  and  who  will  be  too  few  to  form  a 
sect.”  Amid  the  exalted  sentiments  of  his  florid 
inaugural  address  he  declared  that  “ every  differ- 
ence of  opinion  is  not  a difference  of  principle. 
We  have  called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the 
same  principle.  We  are  all  republicans  — we  are 
all  federalists.  . . . Let  us,  then,  with  courage  and 
confidence,  pursue  our  own  federal  and  republican 
principles,  our  attachment  to  our  Union  and  repre- 
sentative government.” 

In  the  like  spirit  he  sought  in  his  private  utter- 
ances to  erase  all  dividing  lines,  and  to  produce  an 
harmonious  coalition  of  both  parties.  A fortnight 
before  his  inauguration,  he  acknowledged  that  the 
behavior  of  certain  Federalist  representatives  dur- 
ing the  election  must  be  construed  as  a “ decla- 
ration of  war.”  “ But,”  he  said,  “ their  conduct 
appears  to  have  brought  over  to  us  the  whole  body 
of  Federalists,  who,  being  alarmed  with  the  danger  i 
of  a dissolution  of  the  government,  had  been  made 
most  anxiously  to  wish  the  very  administration  they 
had  opposed,  and  to  view  it,  when  obtained,  as  a 
child  of  their  own.”  A.  few  days  later  he  said 
again  of  the  Federalists : “ These  people  (I  always 
exclude  their  leaders)  are  now  aggregated  with 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


191 


us ; they  look  with  a certain  degree  of  affection 
and  confidence  to  the  administration,  ready  to  be- 
come attached  to  it,  if  it  avoids  in  the  outset  acts 
which  might  revolt  and  throw  them  off.  To  give 
time  for  a perfect  consolidation"  seems  prudent.” 
March  14  he  says  that  the  many  citizens  who  had 
been  thrown  into  a panic  by  the  revolutionary 
movements  in  Europe  had  “ pretty  thoroughly  re 
covered,”  and  “ the  recovery  bids  fair  to  be  com. 
plete,  and  to  obliterate  entirely  the  line  of  party 
division  which  had  been  so  strongly  drawn.  Not 
that  their  leaders  have  come  over,  or  ever  can 
come  over.  But  they  stand  at  present  almost  with- 
out followers.” 

Jefferson  was  notoriously  a political  visionary,  y 
and  this  Utopia  of  harmony  was  only  one  among 
many  day-dreams.  Yet  it  was  rather  an  exaggera- 
tion of  the  facts  than  an  invention.  For  he  was 
really  a shrewd  observer,  though  with  a sanguine 
temperament ; and  in  the  structures  which  his  im- 
agination reared  the  blocks  were  all  actualities. 
Thus  he  was  now  perfectly  right  in  his  predic- 
tion that  his  party  was  destined  to  absorb  the 
great  bulk  of  the  nation,  and  to  enjoy  an  ascend- 
ency so  complete  and  so  long  as  to  produce  nearly 
all  the  practical  effects  of  a universal  fusion  of 
opinions.  If  it  was  to  the  credit  of  his  ability  as 
a statesman  that  he  so  surely  foresaw  this  future, 
it  was  no  less  to  the  credit  of  his  heart  that  he 
anticipated  it  in  no  spirit  of  ungenerous  triumph. 
His  gratification  was  honorable  and  patriotic,  with 


192 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


little  tinge  of  selfishness  and  none  of  malignity. 
His  joy  was  for  the  people  rather  than  for  him- 
self, and  was  really  based  on  the  establishment  of 
sound  principles  more  than  on  his  own  elevation. 
On  August  26,  1801,  he  wrote : “ The  moment 
which  should  convince  me  that  a healing  of  the 
nation  into  one  is  impracticable  would  be  the  last 
moment  of  my  wishing  to  remain  where  I am.” 
To  this  noble  end  he  bent  all  his  thoughts  and 
efforts.  The  mass  of  the  Federalists,  he  said, 
“ now  find  themselves  separated  from  their  quon- 
dam leaders.  If  we  can  but  avoid  shocking  their 
feelings  by  unnecessary  acts  of  severity  against 
their  late  friends,  they  will  in  a little  time  cement 
and  form  one  mass  with  us,  and  by  these  means 
harmony  and  union  be  restored  to  our  country, 
which  would  be  the  greatest  good  we  could  effect.” 

The  indications  of  success  in  this  grand  en- 
deavor were  from  time  to  time  hailed  by  Jefferson 
in  a gladsome  spirit.  New  England  had  always 
been  the  stronghold  of  ultra  Federalism,  an  Egyp- 
tian realm  of  political  darkness,  according  to  his 
notions.  In  his  letter  of  June  1,  1798,  already 
quoted,  concerning  the  folly  of  secession,1  he  had 
written : “ Seeing  that  we  must  have  somebody  to 
quarrel  with,  I had  rather  keep  our  New  England 
associates  for  that  purpose  than  to  see  our  bick- 
erings transferred  to  others.  They  are  circum- 
scribed within  such  narrow  limits,  and  their  popu- 
lation so  full,  that  their  numbers  will  ever  be  the 
1 Ante,  p.  173. 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


193 


minority,  and  tliey  are  marked,  like  the  Jews,  with 
such  a perversity  of  character  as  to  constitute, 
from  that  circumstance,  the  natural  division  of 
our  parties.”  But  by  May  3,  1801,  he  was  noting 
with  delight  symptoms  of  improving  intelligence 
even  in  this  obnoxious  region.  “ A new  subject  of 
congratulation  has  arisen,”  he  said ; “ I mean  the 
regeneration  of  Rhode  Island.  1 hope  it  is  the 
beginning  of  that  resurrection  of  the  genuine  spirit 
of  New  England  which  rises  for  life  eternal.  Ac- 
cording to  natural  order,  Vermont  will  emerge 
next,  because  least,  after  Rhode  Island,  under  the 
yoke  of  kierocracy.”  It  was  the  preachers  of  New 
England,  much  accustomed  to  meddle  in  matters 
political,  whom  Jefferson  regarded  as  the  most 
dangerous  enemies  of  sound  doctrines.  “ From 
the  clergy,”  he  declared,  “ I expect  no  mercy. 
They  crucified  their  Saviour,  who  preached  that 
their  kingdom  was  not  of  this  world ; and  all  who 
practice  on  that  precept  must  expect  the  extreme 
of  their  wrath.  The  laws  of  the  present  day  with- 
hold their  hands  from  blood  ; but  lies  and  slan- 
der still  remain  to  them.”  Yet,  in  spite  of  these 
misguiding  obstructionists,  the  time  was  not  far 
distant  when  Massachusetts  herself  was  to  become 
for  a time  a Republican  State.  After  he  had  been 
president  a single  year  J efferson  was  able  to  say : 
“ Our  majority  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
has  been  almost  two  to  one  ; in  the  Senate,  eigh- 
teen to  fifteen.  After  another  election  it  will  be 
of  two  to  one  in  the  Senate,  and  it  would  not  be 


194 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


for  the  public  good  to  have  it  greater.  . . . The 
candid  Federalists  acknowledge  that  their  party 
can  never  more  raise  its  head.”  But  he  wisely 
added  : “We  shall  now  be  so  strong  that  we  shall 
certainly  split  again ; . . . but  it  must  be  under 
another  name ; that  of  Federalism  is  become  so 
odious  that  no  party  can  rise  under  it.” 

This  result  had  been  greatly  furthered  by  Jef- 
ferson’s wise  moderation  in  the  matter  of  remov- 
als from  office.  He  has  been  accused  of  having 
planted  the  villainous  seed  which  has  since  grown 
into  the  huge  wickedness  of  the  so-called  “ spoils 
system,”  but  the  charge  is  unjustifiable.  The  con- 
duct of  the  Federalists  in  the  matter  of  filling 
offices  prior  to  his  inauguration  gave  him  such  pro- 
vocation and  excuse  as  would  have  induced  many 
men  to  set  about  an  extensive  proscription.  He 
did  nothing  of  the  kind,  but  on  the  contrary  be- 
haved with  a liberality  towards  his  opponents 
which  has  never  been  rivaled  by  any  of  his  suc- 
cessors, save  only  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  which 
since  the  evil  days  of  Andrew  Jackson  would  be 
regarded  as  nothing  less  than  quixotic.  On  Feb- 
ruary 14,  1801,  in  reply  to  a letter  concerning  this 
interesting  subject,  he  wrote : “ No  man  who  has 
conducted  himself  according  to  his  duties  would 
have  anything  to  fear  from  me,  as  those  who  have 
done  ill  would  have  nothing  to  hope,  be  their  polit- 
ical principles  what  they  might.  . . . The  Repub- 
licans have  been  excluded  from  all  offices  from  the 
first  origin  of  the  division  into  Republican  and 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


195 


Federalist.  They  have  a reasonable  claim  to  va- 
cancies till  they  occupy  their  due  share.”  The 
righteousness  of  this  proposition  could  hardly  be 
controverted,  and  Jefferson  was  justified  in  expect- 
ing the  “justice  and  good  sense  of  the  Federal- 
ists ” to  induce  them  to  “ concur  in  the  fairness  of 
the  position,  that  after  they  have  been  in  the  ex- 
clusive possession  of  all  offices  from  the  very  first 
origin  of  party  among  us  to  the  3d  of  March  at 
nine  o’clock  in  the  night,  no  Republican  ever  ad- 
mitted, ...  it  is  now  perfectly  just  that  the  Re- 
publicans should  come  in  for  the  vacancies  which 
may  fall  in,  until  something  like  an  equilibrium 
in  office  be  restored.” 

The  serious  question,  however,  was  not  how  va- 
cancies should  be  filled,  but  how  they  should  be 
created ; whether  the  gradual  operation  of  deaths, 
resignations,  and  expirations  of  terms  of  office 
should  be  awaited,  or  whether  numerous  removals 
should  be  made.  Jefferson  met  this  problem  at 
once,  boldly  and  frankly.  Removals  “ must  be 
as  few  as  possible,  done  gradually,  and  bottomed 
on  some  malversation  or  inherent  disqualification.” 
One  class  only  of  Federalist  incumbents  and  ap- 
pointees was  to  be  cleanly  swept  away,  en  masse , 
and  with  unquestionable  propriety.  These  were 
“ the  new  appointments  which  Mr.  Adams  crowded 
in  with  whip  and  spur  from  the  12th  of  December, 
when  the  event  of  the  election  was  known,  and 
consequently  that  he  was  making  appointments  not 
for  himself  but  for  bis  successor,  until  nine  o’clock 


196 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


of  the  night  at  twelve  o’clock  of  which  he  was  to 
go  out  of  office.  This  outrage  on  decency  should 
not  have  its  effect,  except  in  the  life  appointments  ; 
. . . as  to  the  others  I consider  the  nominations  as 
nullities.”  “ Official  mal-conduct  ” was  of  course 
added  as  an  undeniably  proper  cause  of  removal. 
Otherwise  “ good  men,  to  whom  there  is  no  objec- 
tion but  a difference  of  political  principle,  practiced 
on  only  as  far  as  the  right  of  a private  citizen  will 
justify,  are  not  proper  subjects  of  removal.”  The 
only  exception  which  Jefferson  was  inclined  to 
make  to  this  rule  was  “ in  the  case  of  attorneys 
and  marshals.”  Since  the  courts  were  “ decidedly 
Federal  and  irremovable,”  he  believed  “that  Re- 
publican attorneys  and  marshals,  being  the  doors 
of  entrance  into  the  courts,  are  indispensably  ne- 
cessary as  a shield  to  the  Republican  part  of  our 
fellow  citizens  which,  I believe,  is  the  main  body 
of  the  people.”  Though  it  is  needless  to  say  that 
the  judiciary  department  was  both  honest  and  able, 
yet  there  was  fair  ground  for  a Republican  to  en- 
tertain this  jealousy  and  distrust  towards  it.  The 
Supreme  Court,  by  virtue  of  its  power  to  construe 
the  new  Constitution,  was  of  scarcely  less  political 
importance  than  the  executive.  Yet  the  judges  of 
all  the  courts  of  the  United  States,  the  district 
attorneys  and  the  marshals,  almost  to  a man,  were 
Federalists,  and  undeniably,  also,  most  of  them 
were  partisans  in  their  temper.  Even  a new  and 
superfluous  body  of  judges  had  been  recently  cre- 
ated by  a Federalist  Congress,  and  all  the  seats 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


197 


had  been  filled  by  Mr.  Adams  with  strong  friends 
of  his  own,  holding  of  course  by  a life  tenure. 
Very  properly  this  extra  bench  was  abolished  by 
the  Republican  Congress  shortly  after  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son’s accession.  But  the  other  courts  could  not  be 
abolished  with  equal  propriety,  and  the  attorney- 
ships  and  marshalships  could  only  be  emptied  by 
removals.  There  was  abundant  justification  for 
Jefferson’s  assertion  that  the  Republican  party 
ought  to  have  some  foothold  in  the  great  and  om- 
nipresent department  of  justice.  The  desire  to 
base  removals  upon  official  misconduct  doubtless 
induced  an  extreme  readiness  to  believe  vague  and 
doubtful  charges,  such,  for  example,  as  the  common 
one  of  “ packing  juries  ; ” but  this  signified  only  a 
wish  to  throw  a cloak  of  decency  about  a transac- 
tion not  substantially  blameworthy. 

Upon  such  principles  concerning  offices  did  Jef- 
ferson start,  principles  which  he  not  only  professed 
in  words  but  carried  out  in  practice.  In  time,  as 
he  came  to  feel  a little  more  accustomed  to  exercise 
power,  and  perhaps  a trifle  weary  of  resisting  im- 
portunities, he  modified  his  views  a little,  but  only 
a little,  for  the  worse.  His  real  kindness  of  heart 
made  it  always  disagreeable  to  him  to  turn  any 
one  out  of  office  ; he  spoke  of  it  as  “ a dreadful 
operation  to  perform,”  a “ painful  operation.”  He 
suspected  that  “ the  heaping  of  abuse  on  me  per- 
sonally has  been  with  the  design  and  the  hope  of 
provoking  me  to  make  a general  sweep  of  all  Fed- 
eralists out  of  office,”  to  the  end  that  thus  he  might 


198 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


be  rendered  unpopular  and  the  Federalist  party 
regain  through  persecution  the  consolidation  which 
it  was  so  rapidly  losing.  “ But,”  he  said,  “ as  I 
have  carried  no  passion  into  the  execution  of  this 
disagreeable  duty,  I shall  suffer  none  to  be  excited.” 

' After  he  had  been  somewhat  more  than  two  years 
in  office,  he  wrote  : “ Some  removals,  to  wit,  six- 
teen, to  the  end  of  our  first  session  of  Congress, 
were  made  on  political  principles  alone,  in  very 
urgent  cases  ; and  we  determined  to  make  no  more 
but  for  delinquency  or  active  and  bitter  opposition 
to  the  order  of  things  which  the  public  will  had 
established.  On  this  last  ground  nine,  were  re- 
moved from  the  end  of  the  first  to  the  end  of  the 
second  session  of  Congress ; and  one  since  that. 
So  that  sixteen  [twenty-six  ? ] only  have  been  re- 
moved in  the  whole  for  political  principles,  that 
is  to  say,  to  make  room  for  some  participation 
for  the  Republicans.”  On  May  30,  1804,  he  was 
willing  to  state  as  a cause  for  removal,  “ that  the 
patronage  of  public  offices  should  no  longer  be 
confided  to  one  who  uses  it  for  active  opposition 
to  the  national  will,”  which,  of  course,  was  only  a 
clever  way  of  describing  hostility  to  the  dominant 
party.  Yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  Jefferson 
never  drifted  far  from  the  honorable  doctrines 
which  he  first  proclaimed,  and  that  he  showed  great 
courage  and  honesty  in  permitting  their  offices  to 
be  retained  by  the  mass  of  incumbents  belonging 
to  a party  which  had  rigidly  proscribed  Republi- 
cans. Had  positions  been  reversed,  it  is  rather  to 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


199 


be  hoped  than  asserted  that  a Federalist  president 
would  have  emulated  this  conduct  of  the  Repub- 
lican leader.  Among  the  removals  which  Jefferson 
did  make  was  that  of  John  Quincy  Adams  from 
the  place  of  commissioner  of  bankruptcy  at  Boston,, 
The  Federalists  regarded  this  as  a very  petty  man= 
ifestation  of  personal  malice ; but  Jefferson  after- 
ward, in  a letter  to  Mrs.  John  Adams,  apparently 
in  reply  to  her  reproaches,  declared  that  he  was 
ignorant  that  Mr.  Adams  held  the  position  when 
he  caused  the  place  to  be  vacated. 

In  the  important  and  very  difficult  matter  of 
selecting  appointees  President  Jefferson  acted 
with  painstaking  conscientiousness.  “ There  is 
nothing,”  he  said,  “ that  I am  so  anxious  about  as 
good  nominations.”  “ No  duty  ...  is  more  diffi- 
cult to  fulfill.  The  knowledge  of  characters  pos- 
sessed by  a single  individual  is,  of  necessity, 
limited.”  Accordingly  he  begs  friends  in  whom 
he  can  trust  to  aid  him  with  information.  Some- 
times, though  apparently  very  seldom,  he  made 
mistakes.  He  was  severely  attacked  for  giving 
the  collectorship  of  New  Haven  to  one  Samuel 
Bishop,  who  was  said  to  be  grossly  incapacitated 
by  old  age ; but  he  defended  the  appointment  with 
very  plausible  justifications.  We  never  find  him 
treating  past-  political  services  as  a recommenda- 
tion to  office,  and  he  rigorously  condemned  any 
active  interference  in  politics  by  the  incumbents 
of  federal  offices.  February  2,  1801,  he  wrote  : 
“ One  thing  I will  say,  that  as  to  the  future,  inter- 


200 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ferences  with  elections,  whether  of  the  state  or 
general  government,  by  officers  of  the  latter, 
should  be  deemed  cause  for  removal ; because  the 
constitutional  remedy  by  the  elective  principle  be- 
comes nothing,  if  it  may  be  smothered  by  the 
enormous  patronage  of  the  federal  government.” 
He  afterward  treated  “ electioneering  activity,  and 
open  and  industrious  opposition  to  the  principles 
of  the  present  government,”  as  among  the  proper 
causes  for  removing  Federalists  from  office.  But 
the  rules  which  he  enforced  against  Federalist 
placemen  he  laid  down  equally  against  Republican 
incumbents,  and  carried  into  effect  as  far  probably 
as  could  be  fairly  expected.  In  September,  1804, 
he  notified  the  secretary  of  the  treasury  that  “ the 
officers  of  the  federal  government  are  meddling 
too  much  with  the  public  elections.  Will  it  be 
best  to  admonish  them  privately  or  by  proclama- 
tion ? This  for  consideration  till  we  meet.” 

The  Federalist  newspapers  were  far  from  re- 
ciprocating the  generosity  displayed  by  Jefferson 
towards  the  office-holders  of  their  party.  It  is  to 
this  period  that  the  pitiful  story  of  Callender’s 
malicious  defamation  belongs.  This  miserable  fel- 
low was  a Scotchman  by  birth,  but  had  been  com- 
pelled to  seek  refuge  in  this  country  in  order  to 
escape  prosecution  for  the  contents  of  a pamphlet 
which  he  had  written  concerning  “ The  Political 
Progress  of  Great  Britain.”  In  the  United  States 
he  brought  his  pen  to  the  service  of  the  Republican 
party.  At  first  Jefferson  esteemed  him  an  able 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


201 


and  useful  writer ; for  his  assaults,  though  coarse, 
were  forcible  ; and  he  was  willing  to  say  vigor- 
ously things  which  persons  of  higher  position  were 
not  unwilling  to  have  said  by  others  on  their  be- 
half. Morally  he  was  a thoroughly  low  and  con- 
temptible creature,  utterly  devoid  of  any  restraints 
of  honor  or  decency.  It  was  he  who  first  got  upon 
the  scent  of  Hamilton's  amour  with  Mrs.  Rey- 
nolds, and  at  once  published  the  evidence  which 
he  had  dishonorably  secured ; and  it  was  he  who 
wrote  the  most  infamous  of  those  attacks  upon 
Washington  which  were,  in  the  opinion  not  only 
of  contemporaries  but  of  posterity,  the  preemi- 
nently unjustifiable  and  unpardonable  offense  of 
the  new  party.  As  his  scurrility  increased,  his 
ability  diminished ; while  of  discretion  he  was 
utterly  void.  Soon  his  diatribes  degenerated  to 
the  low  level  to  be  expected  from  a political  hack- 
writer who  was  also  an  habitual  drunkard.  Jeffer- 
son, according  to  his  own  account,  became  heartily 
disgusted  with  a protege  who  had  become  mis- 
chievous as  well  as  repulsive,  and  would  have 
given  more  to  stop  so  impious  a pen  than  to  keep 
it  moving.  Yet,  whether  from  softness  of  heart, 
as  he  protested,  or  from  a secret  gratification  at 
the  work  Callender  was  doing,  as  the  Federalists 
charged,  Jefferson  continued  from  time  to  time 
to  assist  the  wretch  with  small  sums  of  money. 

Under  Adams’s  administration  Callender  had  the 
good  fortune  to  become  a martyr,  being  one  of  half 
a dozen  defendants  who  were  found  guilty,  impris- 


202 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


onecl,  ancl  fined  under  the  Sedition  law.  Jefferson, 
as  soon  as  he  came  into  office,  remitted  the  short 
remainder  of  the  term  of  imprisonment,  and  caused 
the  fine  to  be  repaid,  “ by  a somewhat  doubtful  exer- 
cise of  power,”  as  the  Federalists  very  properly  said. 
But  Jefferson  considered  the  Sedition  law  “to  be  a 
nullity,  as  absolute  and  as  palpable  as  if  Congress 
had  ordered  us  to  fall  down  and  worship  a golden 
image ; and  that  it  was  as  much  [his]  duty  to 
arrest  its  execution  in  every  stage  as  it  would  have 
been  to  have  rescued  from  the  fiery  furnace  those 
who  should  have  been  cast  into  it  for  refusing  to 
worship  the  image.”  Despite  his  dread  of  embroil- 
ments, Jefferson  never  shirked  the  responsibilities 
imposed  upon  him  by  such  strong  convictions ; and 
Callender  now  had  the  advantage  of  the  President’s 
courage,  as  before  of  his  liberality.  But  a nature 
more  greedy  than  grateful  only  hungered  for  ad- 
ditional favors.  The  liberated  man  hastened  to 
urge  the  President  to  remove  the  postmaster  at 
Richmond  and  give  him  the  office.  The  postmaster 
was  a Federalist  editor,  but  Jefferson  very  honor- 
ably refused  to  displace  him.  For  this  behavior  he 
speedily  suffered  in  a fashion  which  certainly  hardly 
encourages  men  in  public  life  to  be  scrupulously 
upright.  Callender  immediately  allied  himself 
with  the  editorial  staff  of  the  Richmond  “ Re- 
corder,” and  filled  that  paper,  day  after  day,  with 
countless  stories  — partly  his  own,  partly  contriD 
uted  by  others  — derogatory  to  Jefferson.  The 
sheet,  hitherto  a petty  local  publication,  quickly 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


203 


found  its  way  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  coun- 
try : for  Callender’s  characteristic  onslaught  was 
of  the  most  ignoble,  but  certainly  of  the  most 
effective,  kind.  He  charged  Jefferson  with  hav- 
ing been  his  friend  and  financial  assistant,  and  his 
confederate  in  the  libels  upon  Washington  ; but 
his  chief  topic  was  Jefferson’s  private  life,  and  his 
many  tales  were  scandalous  and  revolting  to  the 
last  degree.  Naturally  these  slanders  will  not  bear 
repetition  here  ; for  they  were  worse  than  mere 
charges  of  simple  amours.  Apart  from  the  fact 
that  no  decent  man  would  have  wished  to  dip  his 
hands  in  such  filth,  one  would  think  that  the  trans- 
action which  had  instigated  Callender  to  this  con- 
duct would  have  induced  any  Federalist  editor  of 
moderately  good  feeling  to  discountenance  so  base 
a revenge.  At  least  these  gentlemen  might  have 
remembered  that  they  had  lately  stigmatized  Cal- 
lender as  a low  and  untrustworthy  liar,  when  Ham- 
ilton and  Washington  had  been  his  victims.  But, 
to  the  discredit  of  the  journalists  of  that  period,  it 
must  be  confessed  that  their  conduct  was  contrary 
both  to  gratitude  and  to  decency.  Every  Federalist 
writer  hastened  to  draw  for  his  own  use  bucketful 
after  bucketful  from  Callender’s  foul  reservoir,  and 
the  gossip  about  Jefferson’s  gi-aceless  debaucheries 
was  sent  into  every  household  in  the  United  States. 
Jefferson  never  undertook  to  deny  any  of  these 
narratives;  and  Federalist  historians,  from  whom 
a fairer  judgment  might  have  been  expected,  have 
seen  fit  to  treat  this  silence  as  evidence  of  guilt. 


204 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Obviously  it  was  not  so.  The  President  of  the 
United  States  could  hardly  stoop  to  give  the  lie 
to  a fellow  like  Callender,  especially  in  such  a de- 
partment of  calumny.  It  would  be  pleasanter  for 
us  also  to  have  ignored  the  matter ; but  this  was 
scarcely  possible,  since  the  charges  gravely  affected 
Jefferson’s  happiness  and  reputation  at  the  time,  i 
and  have  ever  since  been  repeated  to  his  discredit 
by  writers  upon  that  period.  He  will  probably 
always  be  thought  of  as  a man  who  carried  licen- 
tiousness far  beyond  the  limit  which  a grateful 
nation  has  tried  hard  to  condone  in  the  cases  of 
Franklin,  Hamilton,  and  many  another  among  the 
sages  and  patriots  even  of  those  virtuous  and  simple 
days.  Nevertheless  there  is  no  sufficient  and  un- 
questionable proof  that  Jefferson  was  one  whit 
worse  than  the  majority  of  his  compeers.  Nor  is 
it  probable  that  any  one  would  ever  have  thought 
him  so,  if  he  could  have  brought  himself  to  make 
a political  removal  and  appointment  such  as  in  our 
own  days  would  be  regarded  as  matter  of  course. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


PRESIDENT  : FIRST  TERM.  — LOUISIANA 

Jefferson  had  a fair  measure  of  respect  for  the 
Constitution,  — perhaps  a little  more  than  is  ordi- 
narily felt  towards  a common  statute.  He  was  far 
from  regarding  it  with  a blind  homage,  as  if  it 
were  the  sacred  principle  of  the  national  life.  This 
was  not  alone  attributable  to  the  facts  that  tradi- 
tion had  not  yet  lent  to  it  a sort  of  consecration, 
and  that  prosperity  beneath  it  had  not  endured 
long  enough  to  give  it  a reputation ; the  • feeling 
was  more  largely  due  to  Jefferson’s  abstract  views 
concerning  government.  A constitution  might  too 
often  have  the  effect  of  fetters  upon  the  nation. 
The  will  of  the  people,  which  had  made  the  Con- 
stitution, might  at  any  time  modify  or  abrogate  it. 
That  will  ought  to  be  the  ultimate  rule  of  decision 
in  any  matter  sufficiently  momentous  to  justify  an 
appeal  to  it.  Therefore,  if  the  will  of  the  people 
was  with  him  in  an  unconstitutional  policy  which 
he  believed  to  be  sound,  Jefferson  did  not  hesitate 
to  speak  respectfully  of  the  Constitution,  and  to 
disregard  it.  Perhaps  he  is  the  only  President  of 
the  United  States  who  has  ever  avowedly  and  with 
premeditation  carried  through  an  important  extra- 


206 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


constitutional  measure,  relying  for  justification 
simply  upon  the  wisdom  of  the  act  and  the  wish 
of  the  nation.  Such  was  the  real  character  of  his 
purchase  of  Louisiana. 

From  the  first  moment,  many  years  before  the 
time  with  which  we  are  now  dealing,  when  his  at- 
tention had  been  called  to  the  rights  of  the  United 
States  concerning  the  Mississippi  River,  Jefferson  ji 
had  been  fully  alive  to  their  vast  importance.  In- 
deed his  estimate  of  the  probable  traffic  upon  that 
stream,  and  the  consequent  growth  of  New  Orleans 
as  a commercial  metropolis,  has  since  appeared  ex- 
aggerated, at  least  in  comparison  with  the  propor- 
tionate growth  of  the  rest  of  the  country.  In  the 
summer  of  1790  a rupture  between  England  and 
Spain  seemed  imminent,  and  Jefferson  promptly 
made  ready  to  seize  the  opportune  moment  for 
compelling  a settlement  of  the  open  question  of 
navigation.  Spain  owned  both  sides  of  the  mouth 
of  the  river  ; but  the  United  States  had  always 
asserted  that  this  ownership  gave  the  Spaniards 
no  right  to  close  the  stream  to  the  free  passage  of 
American  vessels.  In  August,  1790,  Jefferson, 
being  then  secretary  of  state,  wrote  a vigorous  let- 
ter to  Carmichael,  the  representative  of  the  United 
States  at  the  court  of  Madrid.  He  directed  that 
gentleman  to  impress  the  Spanish  minister  “ thor- 
oughly with  the  necessity  of  an  early  and  even  an 
immediate  settlement  of  this  matter  ; ” though  “ a 
resumption  of  the  negotiation  is  not  desired  on  our 
part,  unless  he  can  determine,  in  the  opening  of  it, 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


207 


to  yield  tlie  immediate  and  full  enjoyment  of  that 
navigation.”  But  if  this  point  was  to  be  yielded 
in  the  outset,  what  further  subject  for  negotiation 
remained  ? Jefferson  boldly  said  that  this  further 
subject  was  “ a port,  where  the  sea  and  river  ves- 
sels may  meet  and  exchange  loads,  and  where  those 
employed  about  them  may  be  safe  and  unmolested.” 
There  must  be  no  dallying  about  this  business,  he 
added,  since  “ it  is  impossible  to  answer  for  the  for- 
bearance of  our  Western  citizens.  We  endeavor 
to  quiet  them  with  an  expectation  of  an  attainment 
of  their  ends  by  peaceable  means.  But  should 
they,  in  a moment  of  impatience,  hazard  others,  there 
is  no  saying  how  far  we  may  he  led ; for  neither 
themselves  nor  their  rights  will  ever  be  abandoned 
by  us.” 

With  an  admirable  zeal  and  persistence  Jeffer- 
son pushed  this  demand  for  many  months.  He  rap- 
idly developed  his  notion  concerning  the  port ; he 
declared  the  obvious  necessity  that  it  should  “ be  so 
well  separated  from  the  territories  of  Spain  and  her 
jurisdiction  as  not  to  engender  daily  disputes  and 
broils  between  us,”  such  as  must  inevitably  “ end 
in  war.”  “ Nature,”  he  then  cleverly  added,  “ has 
decided  what  shall  be  the  geography  of  that  in  the 
end,  whatever  it  might  be  in  the  beginning,  by  cut- 
ting off  from  the  adjacent  countries  of  Florida  and 
Louisiana,  and  inclosing  between  two  of  its  chan- 
nels, a long  and  narrow  slip  of  land,  called  the 
Island  of  New  Orleans.”  He  admitted  that  this 
audacious  proposition  “ could  not  be  hazarded  to 


208 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Spain  in  the  first  step ; it  would  be  too  disagree- 
able at  first  view;  because  this  island,  with  its 
town,  constitutes  at  present  their  principal  settle- 
ment in  that  part  of  their  dominions.”  But  he 
cheerfully  reflected  that  “ reason  and  events  may 
by  little  and  little  familiarize  them  to  it.”  He  was 
right ; in  due  time  “ reason  and  events,”  having 
had  the  way  opened  for  them  by  the  diplomatic 
skill  and  pertinacity  of  the  secretary  of  state,  did 
familiarize  the  Spanish  court  with  this  “ idea.” 
The  right  of  navigation  was  conceded  by  the  treaty 
of  1795,  and  with  it  a right  to  the  free  use  of  the  \ 
port  of  New  Orleans  upon  reasonably  satisfactory 
terms  for  a period  of  three  years,  and  thereafter- 
ward  until  some  other  equally  convenient  harbor 
should  be  allotted.  The  credit  of  this  ultimate 
achievement  was  Mr.  Jefferson’s,  and  not  the  less 
so  because  the  treaty  was  not  signed  until  he  had 
retired  from  office.  It  was  really  his  statesman- 
ship which  had  secured  it,  not  only  in  spite  of  the 
natural  repugnance  of  Spain,  but  also  in  spite  of 
the  obstacles  indirectly  thrown  in  his  way  in  the 
earlier  stages  by  many  persons  in  the  United 
States,  who  privately  gave  the  Spanish  minister  to 
understand  that  the  country  cared  little  about  the 
Mississippi,  and  would  not  support  the  secretary 
in  his  demands. 

It  is  curious  to  note  that  in  the  course  of  this 
business  there  was  already  a faint  foreshadowing 
of  that  principle  which  many  years  afterwards 
was  christened  with  the  name  of  Monroe.  For  a 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


209 


brief  time  it  was  thought,  not  without  reason,  that 
so  soon  as  hostilities  should  break  out  between 
England  and  Spain,  the  former  power  would  seize 
upon  the  North  American  possessions  of  the  latter. 
Jefferson  wrote  to  Gouverneur  Morris  : “We  wish 
you,  therefore,  to  intimate  to  them  [the  British 
ministry]  that  we  cannot  be  indifferent  to  enter- 
prises of  this  kind.  That  we  should  contemplate 
a change  of  neighbors  with  extreme  uneasiness. 
That  a due  balance  on  our  borders  is  not  less  de- 
sirable to  us  than  a balance  of  power  in  Europe 
has  always  appeared  to  them.” 

The  arrangements  at  last  consummated  in  1795 
remained  in  force,  working  fairly  well,  for  many 
years.  But  the  wiser  men  in  the  United  States 
were  not  so  much  satisfied  as  they  were  biding 
their  time  to  get  a more  permanent  foothold.  In 
1802-3  the  opportunity  came,  certainly  by  a very 
peculiar  introduction.  So  early  as  1790  there  had 
been  suspicions  that  France  would  like  to  regain 
her  possessions  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Thus  at 
that  time  Jefferson,  though  seeking  French  aid  to 
assist  him  in  enforcing  the  demands  of  the  United 
States  against  Spain,  had  been  afraid  to  expose 
the  full  extent  of  his  designs  ; for,  he  said,  “ it  is 
believed  here  that  the  Count  de  Moustier,  during 
his  residence  with  us,  conceived  the  project  of  again 
engaging  France  in  a colony  upon  our  continent, 
and  that  he  directed  his  views  to  some  of  the  coun- 
try on  the  Mississippi,  and  obtained  and  commu- 
nicated a good  deal  of  matter  on  the  subject  to 


210 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


his  court.”  For  some  years  afterward  the  project 
slept,  but  rumors  of  like  purport  started  into  fresh 
life  early  in  1800.  Apparently  these  gave  at  first 
little  serious  uneasiness,  though  later  in  the  year 
instructions  were  sent  to  the  American  ministers 
at  London,  Paris,  and  Madrid  to  do  all  in  their 
power  to  prevent  any  cession  of  territory  by  Spain 
to  France.  Interference,  however,  came  too  late. 
Before  the  instructions  reached  our  ministers  the 
deed  had  been  done.  On  October  1,  1800,  Spain 
ceded  all  Louisiana  to  France.  The  treaty,  how- 
ever, was  kept  secret  for  a while,  so  that  not  until 
the  spring  of  1802  did  it  become  really  known  in 
the  United  States  as  an  assured  fact.  Jefferson 
then  was  profoundly  chagrined.  He  appreciated 
more  fully  than  any  other  public  man  of  the  day 
the  immeasurable  value  of  that  region  to  the 
States  ; and  he  was  proportionately  disturbed  to 
see  it  pass  from  weak  into  strong  hands. 

The  vexation  felt  by  Jefferson,  in  his  public 
capacity,  might  have  been  partially  allayed  by  a 
consolation  afforded  to  him  as  an  individual.  For 
the  situation  at  least  gave  him  an  opportunity  to 
clear  his  character  from  the  aspei'sions  of  those 
Federalists  who  had  so  bitterly  accused  him  of 
loving  France  better  than  his  native  land.  No 
sooner  did  he  conceive  that  the  interests  of  the 
two  peoples  menaced  even  a future  clashing,  than 
he  showed  himself  thoroughly  and  zealously  Ameri- 
can. Instantly  his  French  sympathy  dwindled  into 
a feeble  expression  of  regret  that  France  should 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


211 


be  transformed  from  a “ natural  friend  ” into  a 
“ natural  enemy ; ” for  this,  he  said,  was  the  in- 
evitable consequence  of  what  had  occurred.  April 
18,  1802,  he  wrote  to  Robert  R.  Livingston,  min- 
ister at  Paris  : — - 

“ The  cession  of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas  by  Spain 
to  France  works  most  sorely  on  the  United  States.  On 
this  subject  the  secretary  of  state  has  written  to  you 
fully,  yet  I cannot  forbear  recurring  to  it  personally,  so 
deep  is  the  impression  it  makes  on  my  mind.  It  com- 
pletely reverses  all  the  political  relations  of  the  United 
States.  . . . There  is  on  the  globe  one  single  spot,  the 
possessor  of  which  is  our  natural  and  habitual  enemy. 
It  is  New  Orleans.  ...  It  is  impossible  that  France 
and  the  United  States  can  continue  long  friends,  when 
they  meet  in  so  irritable  a position.  ...  We  must  be 
very  improvident  if  we  do  not  begin  to  make  arrange- 
ments on  that  hypothesis.  The  day  that  France  takes 
possession  of  New  Orleans  fixes  the  sentence  which  is  to 
restrain  her  forever  within  her  low-water  mark.  It 
seals  the  union  of  two  nations,  who,  in  conjunction,  can 
maintain  exclusive  possession  of  the  ocean.  From  that 
moment  we  must  marry  ourselves  to  the  British  fleet 
and  nation.” 

One  almost  discredits  his  own  senses  as  he  be- 
holds Jefferson  voluntarily  proclaiming  the  banns 
for  these  nuptials,  which  during  so  many  years  past 
would  have  seemed  to  him  worse  than  illicit.  Yet 
he  was  never  more  in  earnest,  and  betrays  a strik- 
ing solemnity  and  depth  of  feeling  throughout  his 
letter,  while  obviously  writing  under  the . influence 


212 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


of  an  unusual  excitement.  Yet  even  beneath  dis- 
appointment lie  was  sanguine,  and  amid  indigna- 
tion lie  was  diplomatic.  “ I should  suppose,”  lie 
says,  “ that  all  these  considerations  might,  in  some 
proper  form,  be  brought  into  view  of  the  govern- 
ment of  France.  Though  stated  by  us  it  ought 
not  to  give  offense,  because  we  do  not  bring  them 
forward  as  a menace,  but  as  consequences  not  con- 
trollable by  us,  but  inevitable  from  the  course  of 
things.”  As  usual  he  turns  to  time  as  his  most 
efficient  ally.  The  French  troops,  he  says,  are  to 
subdue  St.  Domingo  before  they  cross  to  receive 
delivery  of  Louisiana ; and  he  complacently  adds, 
“ the  conquest  of  St.  Domingo  will  not  be  a short 
work.  It  will  take  considerable  time  and  wear 
down  a great  number  of  soldiers.”  This  interval 
he  hopes  to  employ  well  in  working  upon  the 
French  government. 

But  an  untoward  event,  occurring  a few  months 
after  the  receipt  of  news  of  the  cession,  was  near 
robbing  Mr.  Jefferson  even  of  such  slight  possi- 
bilities as  might  be  contained  in  this  interval.  At 
this  most  inopportune  moment,  in  October,  1802, 
the  Spanish  intendant  at  New  Orleans  issued  an 
edict,  in  direct  contravention  of  treaty  stipulations, 
cutting  short  the  American  privilege  of  deposit  at 
that  port.  At  once  the  hot  spirit  of  the  Western 
country  was  in  a wild  blaze.  Those  pioneers  who 
kept  their  rifles  over  their  fireplaces  or  behind  then- 
front  doors  ready  to  shoot  a catamount,  an  Indian, 
or  each  other,  at  a moment’s  notice,  now  talked 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


213 


fiercely  of  marching  straight  into  New  Orleans,  and 
making  a prompt  settlement  with  powder  and  lead. 
Jefferson  was  much  disturbed  by  demonstrations 
which  threatened  serious  interference  with  a plan 
which  he  had  conceived.  War  he  rightly  deemed 
the  last  resource.  A display  of  warlike  spirit 
might  be  useful  to  emphasize  his  diplomacy ; but 
he  was  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  this  temper 
really  bursting  into  action.  Yet  he  sympathized 
with  the  Western  men  in  their  wrath,  and  bore 
them  no  grudge,  though  they  seemed  so  likely  to 
derange  his  schemes  by  their  uncontrollable  zeal. 

The  persons  with  whom  the  President  was  really 
vexed,  and  fairly  enough  too,  it  must  be  confessed, 
were  the  Federalists.  The  remnant  of  this  party 
now  for  an  instant  imagined  that  they  saw  a chance 
of  being  borne  again  into  power  by  hostilities  with 
France.  Careless  of  the  interests  of  the  country 
as  against  the  interests  of  party,  they  became  clam- 
orous for  immediate  war,  Jefferson  well  described 
the  situation,  January  13,  1803  : — 

“ The  agitation  of  the  public  mind  ...  is  extreme. 
In  the  Western  country  it  is  natural,  and  grounded  on 
honest  motives.  In  the  seaports  it  proceeds  from  a de- 
sire for  war,  which  increases  the  mercantile  lottery  ; in 
the  Federalists  generally,  and  especially  those  of  Con- 
gress, the  object  is  to  force  us  into  war  if  possible,  in 
order  to  derange  our  finances  ; or,  if  this  cannot  be 
done,  to  attach  the  Western  country  to  them,  as  their 
best  friends,  and  thus  get  again  into  power.  Remon- 
strances, memorials,  etc.,  are  now  circulating  through 


214 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


the  whole  of  the  Western  country,  and  signed  by  the 
body  of  the  people.” 

But  the  small  and  embittered  faction  into  which 
the  Federalist  party  had  rapidly  degenerated  could 
not  beat  Jefferson,  intrenched  in  the  confidence  of 
the  nation,  and  backed  by  a handsome  majority  in 
Congress. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  this  majority 
was  imperiously  led  by  John  Randolph,  whose  faith 
in  Jefferson  was  still  blindly  implicit.  In  the  lat- 
ter part  of  1802  he  carried  the  House  into  secret 
session,  against  vehement  opposition  from  the  Fed- 
eralists, in  order  to  give  the  President  an  opportu- 
nity for  making  certain  private  communications, 
and  obtaining  legislation  thereon.  Precisely  what 
took  place  behind  the  closed  doors  was  never  fully 
divulged  ; but  the  substance  of  the  whole  work 
done  publicly  and  privately  during  a few  weeks 
of  that  winter  was  thoroughly  satisfactory  to  the 
executive.  Many  resolutions  offered  by  the  Fed- 
eralists, designed  at  once  to  obstruct  a peaceable 
settlement  and  to  win  the  allegiance  of  the  West 
by  a show  of  angry  zeal,  were  voted  down  by  loyal 
majorities.  Finally,  the  management  of  the  whole 
business  was  left  to  the  President,  who  was  further 
provided  with  the  sum  of  two  million  dollars,  to  be 
used  as  he  should  see  fit. 

Jefferson’s  plans  were  by  this  time  well  under- 
stood to  be  the  purchase  of  New  Orleans,  and  prob- 
ably also  something  more  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river.  He  had  early  adopted  this  scheme,  justly 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


215 


thinking  that  it  would  be  cheaper,  wiser,  more  hu- 
mane, in  every  way  more  becoming  a civilized  and 
mercantile  people,  to  buy  the  fee  of  such  territory 
as  they  needed,  rather  than  to  engage  in  a war 
simply  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  an  easement 
in  an  island.  The  two  million  dollars  were  required 
to  pave  the  way ; in  other  words,  to  bribe  some  of 
the  more  influential  among  those  virtuous  legislators 
who  had  succeeded  the  wicked  monarcks  of  France. 
Jefferson  had  already  taken  initial  steps  towards 
this  bargain  through  Livingston  at  Paris.  But 
that  minister,  before  he  had  learned  the  executive 
purpose,  had  unfortunately  expressed  very  different 
views  of  his  own.  He  had  told  the  French  gov- 
ernment that  the  United  States  cared  not  at  all 
whether  their  neighbor  at  the  mouth  of  the  Missis- 
sippi was  to  be  France  or  Spain,  provided  the  right 
of  navigation  and  privileges  of  deposit  should  not 
be  interfered  with.  After  correction,  indeed,  he 
began  to  discuss  a purchase,  and  in  time  would 
probably  have  concluded  it;  but  Jefferson,  for 
many  reasons,  chose  to  send  a special  emissary. 
Apart  from  the  point  of  sympathetic  conviction,  it 
was  desirable  to  make  a show  of  energy  before  the 
West  and  the  Federalists,  who  had  little  confidence 
in  Livingston.  Further,  it  was  an  uncomfortable 
task  to  put  into  the  dangerous  black  and  white 
of  diplomatic  instructions  all  which  the  President 
wished  to  say.  He  accordingly  bethought  him 
of  Monroe,  whose  term  as  governor  of  Virginia 
had  just  expired,  and  on  February  11,  1803,  he 


216 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


nominated  that  gentleman  envoy-extraordinary  to 
France.  The  nomination  was  promptly  confirmed, 
in  spite  of  the  malicious  suggestion  of  the  Federal- 
ists, who  averred  that  it  was  made  only  to  provide 
a place  for  a personal  and  political  friend,  who  was 
in  financial  difficulties.  In  sundry  interviews  with 
Jefferson,  Monroe  became  fully  informed  as  to  the 
President’s  projects,  and  departed  on  his  delicate 
errand  apparently  without  a word  in  writing  upon 
which  he  could  rely,  should  his  principal  choose 
later  to  disavow  his  doings.  But  Jefferson’s 
friends  always  ti’usted  him. 

At  this  same  point  in  the  business  Jefferson 
manifested  a mercantile  cleverness  of  which  any 
tradesman  might  have  been  proud.  He  wrote  to 
Dupont  de  Nemours,  urging  him  to  smooth  the 
way  towards  settlement,  and  throwing  out  divers 
shrewd  suggestions : — 

“ Our  circumstances  are  so  imperious  as  to  admit  of 
no  delay  as  to  our  course  ; and  the  use  of  the  Mississippi 
is  so  indispensable  that  we  cannot  hesitate  one  moment 
to  hazard  our  existence  for  its  maintenance.”  This  for 
a timely  hint  of  the  “ dernier  ressort.”  Then  he  adds : 
“ It  may  be  said,  if  this  object  be  so  all-important  to  us, 
why  do  we  not  offer  such  a sum  as  to  insure  its  pur- 
chase ? The  answer  is  simple.  We  are  an  agricultural 
people,  poor  in  money  and  owing  great  debts.  These 
will  be  falling  due  by  instalments  for  fifteen  years  to 
come,  and  require  from  us  the  practice  of  a rigorous 
economy  to  accomplish  their  payment ; and  it  is  our 
principle  to  pay  to  a moment  whatever  we  have  en- 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


217 


gaged,  and  never  to  engage  what  we  cannot  and  mean 
not  faithfully  to  pay.  We  have  calculated  our  resources, 
and  find  the  sum  to  be  moderate  which  they  would  en- 
able us  to  pay,  and  we  know  from  late  trials  that  little 
can  he  added  to  it  by  borrowing.  The  country,  too, 
which  we  wish  to  purchase,  ...  is  a barren  sand.  . . . 
We  cannot,  then,  make  anything  by  a sale  of  the  land  to 
individuals.  So  that  it  is  peace  alone  which  makes  it  an 
object  with  us,  and  which  ought  to  make  the  cession  of 
it  desirable  to  France.” 

Could  a Jew  or  an  attorney  drive  a bargain 
more  skillfully?  A willing  but  very  poor  pur- 
chaser, absolutely  sure  to  pay  his  notes  at  matur- 
ity, shunning  discord  rather  than  seeking  profit ; 
indirect  but  valuable  advantages  to  accrue  to  the 
seller  from  the  sale,  in  addition  to  the  price ; an 
unmarketable  piece  of  property  ; a misty  vision  of 
war  in  the  background ! Yet,  in  spite  of  such 
plausible  persuasions,  it  is  not  probable  that  Mon- 
roe would  have  had  much  success  in  his  negotia- 
tions, had  not  European  politics  come  opportunely 
to  his  aid.  Napoleon,  who  already  exercised  the 
powers  of  an  emperor  under  the  title  of  First  Con- 
sul, had  set  his  heart  upon  establishing  a great 
French  colony  on  the  North  American  continent. 
Under  this  impulse  he  had  laughed  to  scorn  the 
first  proposals  for  a purchase  of  his  territory.  It 
would  have  been  easier  for  Monroe  to  buy  up  his 
advisers  than  for  those  advisers  to  induce  him  to 
abandon  a favorite  whim.  Neither  was  there  much 
use  in  threatening  the  conqueror  of  Europe  with 


218 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


the  wrath  of  our  trans-Alleghanian  population. 
But  as  Jefferson’s  usual  good  fortune  arranged  it, 
by  the  time  Monroe  arrived  the  short-lived  peace 
of  Amiens  was  obviously  about  to  be  broken.  On 
the  verge  of  extensive  military  operations  Napo- 
leon forgot  his  colonial  schemes.  In  the  contem- 
plation of  a hungry  treasury  he  became  as  eager 
to  sell  as  the  envoys  were  to  buy.  Monroe’s  in- 
structions had  contemplated  only  a moderate  pur- 
chase, of  the  island  and  some  land  upon  the 
easterly  side  of  the  river,  nothing  more  being 
thought  possible.  But  Napoleon’s  notion  now  was 
to  turn  liis  most  available  assets  into  money  with 
all  speed.  He  intimated  that  he  would  sell  all 
Louisiana.  He  asked,  indeed,  a great  price ; but 
where  both  parties  are  eager,  trading  is  usually 
rapid.  Monroe  had  gauged  Jefferson’s  views  with 
perfect  accuracy,  and  felt  no  fear.  In  a few  days 
he  and  Livingston  closed  the  bargain,  buying 
Louisiana  outright  for  sixty  million  livres,  with 
the  stipulation  that  the  United  States  should  pay 
sundry  claims  of  its  merchants  against  France  to 
the  amount  of  twenty  million  livres  more,  and  that 
certain  privileges  should  be  allowed  to  French  and 
Spanish  vessels  in  the  port  of  New  Orleans  for 
twelve  years  to  come. 

In  their  dispatches,  communicating  this  treaty, 
the  envoys  acknowledged  that  they  had  exceeded 
their  instructions,  and  humbly  hoped  that  they 
had  not  erred.  This  was  literally  true,  but  it  was 
only  the  letter  not  the  spirit  of  their  instructions 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


219 


which  had  been  overstepped.  Monroe  well  knew 
that  he  had  only  fulfilled  Jefferson’s  real  wishes. 
But  since  this  was  not  apparent  on  the  surface,  the 
Federalists  afterward  pretended  to  regard  these 
professions  of  the  negotiators  as  indicating  that 
any  credit  there  might  be  in  the  purchase  was  due 
to  them  rather  than  to  the  President.  This,  how- 
ever, was  an  unfair  artifice,  which  at  best  could 
amount  to  nothing  more  than  saying  that  the 
presidential  policy  had  succeeded  even  beyond  the 
hopes  of  its  projector.  The  entire  credit — or  dis- 
credit, if  such  there  were  — of  the  achievement 
belonged  exclusively  to  Jefferson. 

Of  course  fault-finding  began  at  once.  No  great 
ingenuity  was  needed  on  the  part  of  the  opposition 
to  devise  the  gravest  objections  to  the  transaction 
both  as  a whole  and  in  detail.  The  government 
was  without  constitutional  authority  to  make  the 
purchase  upon  terms  which  substantially  involved 
the  speedy  admission  of  the  purchased  territory, 
in  the  shape  of  new  States,  to  the  Union.  It  was 
directly  contrary  to  the  Constitution  to  grant  pe- 
culiar privileges  in  the  port  of  New  Orleans  to 
Spanish  and  French  commerce.  The  boundaries 
of  Louisiana,  both  upon  the  east  and  upon  the 
west,  were  in  dispute,  and  in  time  would  probably 
have  to  be  settled  by  a war.  Spain  had  insisted 
as  a condition  of  her  own  transfer  that  France 
should  not  sell ; Spain  was  still  in  possession,  and 
might  now  well  be  expected  to  decline  to  part  with 
the  property.  These  criticisms  each  and  all  were 


220 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


perfectly  true  ; yet  they  were  certainly  each  and 
all  of  very  little  consequence,  when  set  against  an 
acquisition  so  enormously  valuable  in  so  many  dif- 
ferent ways  to  the  United  States.  The  practical ; 
objections  Jefferson  met  by  practical  suggestions. 
The  boundaries  were  doubtful,  but  boundaries  in 
wild  lands  constantly  remain  doubtful  for  many  : 
years  without  engendering  serious  hostilities.  In 
this  interval,  the  natural  growth  of  the  United  ' 
States  and  the  inevitable  decadence  of  Spain  upon 
this  continent  would  ultimately  insure  a peaceful 
yielding  to  American  demands.  A little  later  he 
proposed,  in  pursuance  of  this  view,  that  the  gov- 
ernment should  offer  bounties  to  attract  a large 
body  of  vigorous  and  intelligent  American  colo- 
nists into  Louisiana,  to  the  end  that  a population  of 
such  numbers,  character,  and  national  sympathies  I 
should  be  established  in  that  quarter  as  would  dis-  J 
courage  contumacious  neighbors.  It  would  have 
been  better,  some  said,  to  have  bought  the  Floridas  ,] 
rather  than  Louisiana.  But  could  not  another 
purchase  be  made?  The  American  claims  of 
boundary 

“ will  be  a subject  of  negotiation  with  Spain,  and  if, 
as  soon  as  she  is  at  war,  we  push  them  strongly  with 
one  hand,  holding  out  a price  in  the  other,  we  shall  cer-1 
tainly  obtain  the  Floridas,  and  all  in  good  time.  . . . 
Propositions  are  made  to  exchange  Louisiana,  or  a part  i 
of  it,  for  the  Floridas.  But,  as  I have  said,  we  shall 
get  the  Floridas  without ; and  I would  not  give  one  inch 
of  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi  to  any  nation,  because  I 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


221 


see  in  a light  very  important  to  our  peace  the  exclusive 
ris'ht  to  its  navigation,  and  the  admission  of  no  nation 
into  it  but  as  into  the  Potomac  or  Delaware,  with  our 
consent  and  under  our  police.” 

Time  proved  the  perfect  truth  of  all  this. 

As  for  the  chance  of  Spain  refusing  to  deliver 
possession  to  the  United  States,  Jefferson  intended 
to  have  no  trifling  in  that  matter.  So  soon  as  the 
treaty  was  ratified  he 

“ sent  off  orders  to  the  Governor  of  the  Mississippi 
territory  and  General  Wilkinson  to  move  down  with  the 
troops  at  hand  to  New  Orleans,  and  receive  possession 
from  M.  Laussat.  If  he  is  heartily  disposed  to  carry 
the  order  of  the  Consul  into  execution,  he  can  probably 
command  a volunteer  force  at  New  Orleans,  and  will 
have  the  aid  of  ours  also,  if  he  desires  it,  to  take  the 
possession  and  deliver  it  to  us.  If  he  is  not  so  disposed, 
we  shall  take  the  possession,  and  it  will  rest  with  the 
government  of  France,  hy  adopting  the  act  as  their  own 
and  obtaining  the  confirmation  of  Spain,  to  supply  the 
non-execution  of  their  agreement  to  deliver  and  to  en- 
title themselves  to  the  complete  execution  of  our  part  of 
the  agreements.” 

For  the  other  objections  of  law  and  theory,  Jef- 
ferson was  inclined  to  override  them  very  cava- 
lierly. In  truth  it  was  the  only  way.  It  was  not 
worth  while  to  enter  into  a debate,  predestined  to 
obvious  defeat,  nor  to  engage  in  argument  when 
the  whole  weight  of  logic  rested  with  the  other 
side.  The  prompt  vote  of  a silent  majority  was 
the  best  policy.  “ The  less  that  is  said  about  any 


222 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


constitutional  difficulty,  the  better  ; it  will  be 
desirable  for  Congress  to  do  what  is  necessary  in 
silence.”  “ Whatever  Congress  shall  think  it  ne- 
cessary to  do,  should  be  done  with  as  little  debate 
as  possible,  and  particularly  so  far  as  respects  the 
constitutional  difficulty.”  Thus  Jefferson  wrote. 
The  oj)position,  on  the  other  hand,  tried  hard  to 
force  a prolonged  discussion,  but  with  slender  ef- 
fect. The  outnumbering  administrationists  cared 
not  to  hear  long  lectures,  designed  to  show  only 
that  a wise  act,  which  they  had  already  determined 
to  do,  was  against  the  law.  So  the  Federalist 
speeches,  though  calling  forth  only  a few  replies 
and  certainly  no  answers,  went  for  nothing.  In 
the  Senate  a powerful  and  delighted  Republican 
majority  hastened  to  ratify  the  treaty  by  a vote  of 
twenty-four  to  seven, — ten  votes  more  than  were 
necessary,  as  Jefferson  triumphantly  noted.  In 
the  House  of  Representatives  the  overwhelming 
ranks  of  the  same  party,  under  the  spirited  leader- 
ship of  Randolph,  first  made  the  necessary  appro- 
priations, and  then  provided  temporarily  for  the 
government  of  the  territory  by  the  President,  even 
giving  him  for  the  time  all  the  powers  of  the  late 
Spanish  monarchs,  an  odd  position  for  Jefferson, 
truly,  but  which  he  did  not  reject. 

Thus  did  Jefferson  accomplish  a most  momen- 
tous transaction  in  direct  contravention  of  all  those 
grand  principles  which  for  many  years  he  had 
been  eloquently  preaching  as  the  political  faith  of 
the  great  party  which  he  had  formed  and  led. 


PRESIDENT  : FIRST  TERM 


223 


"What  henceforth  could  he  and  his  followers  say 
about  Washington’s  aristocratic  ceremonial  at  his 
levees  ; what  about  Hamilton’s  establishment  of  a 
United  States  Bank  ; what  about  all  the  alleged 
twistings  and  wrenchings  of  the  Constitution  by 
the  free-constructionists  and  the  “ monarchists  ” ? 
Here  was  an  act,  done  by  the  great  Republican 
doctrinaire  president,  utterly  beyond  the  Constitu- 
tion in  substance  and  contrary  to  it  in  detail ; 
monarchical  beyond  what  any  “ monocrat  ” had 
ever  dared  to  dream  of.  There  was  no  denying 
these  facts,  at  least  without  self-stultification. 
John  Randolph,  dictating  to  his  great  majority  in 
the  House,  became  ridiculous  when  he  endeavored 
to  reconcile  the  treaty  with  the  organic  charter  of 
the  United  States.  The  plain  truth  was  that  Jef- 
ferson had  simply  shattered  into  fragments  his 
previous  theories,  and  every  one  in  the  United 
States  saw  and  knew  it.  In  August,  1800,  he  had 
declared  that  “ the  true  theory  of  our  Constitution 
is  surely  the  wisest  and  best ; that  the  States  are 
independent  as  to  everything  within  themselves, 
and  united  as  to  everything  respecting  foreign  na- 
tions.” By  this  theory  “ our  general  government 
may  be  reduced  to  a very  simple  organization  and 
a very  inexpensive  one  ; a few  plain  duties  to  be 
performed  by  a few  servants.”  The  doctrine  of  a 
simple  league  of  independent  powers,  devised  only 
for  the  specific  purpose  of  foreign  intercourse, 
could  not  have  been  better  set  forth.  Yet  it  was 
hardly  possibly  to  imagine  a transaction  more  at 


224 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


variance  with  the  principle  of  such  a league  than 
was  this  purchase  of  an  enormous  property  for  the 
common  tenancy  and  at  the  common  charge  of  the 
political  partnership.  It  produced  a welding  and 
unifying  of  domestic  interests  to  as  great  an  ex- 
tent as  an  isolated  act  could  do. 

Still  more  surprising  is  it  to  remember  that 
Jefferson  was  the  chief  expositor  of  states’  rights. 
He  declares  them  in  the  foregoing  sentences ; he 
had  declared  them  again  and  again,  in  public  and 
private,  directly  and  indirectly.  He  was  the  au- 
thor of  the  Kentucky  resolutions.  But  the  justifi- 
cation upon  which  he  had  relied  to  sustain  nullifi- 
cation and  secession  by  Kentucky  was  as  nothing 
compared  to  the  justification  which  he  himself,  by 
this  purchase,  now  ci’eated  for  nullification  and 
secession  on  the  part  of  the  dissatisfied  Eastern 
States.  The  Constitution,  he  had  always  insisted, 
was  a contract  between  independent  parties,  not 
binding  upon  any  one  of  them  beyond  its  distinct 
stipulations.  It  was  not  among  those  stipulations 
that  a majority  might  purchase  new  territory,  and 
out  of  it  create  and  admit  new  parties  to  the  con- 
tract. It  was  the  inevitable  outcome  of  his  own 
logic  that  any  State  might  now  lawfully  witlidi'aw 
from  the  league  upon  this  opportunity  which  he 
himself  had  furnished. 

Yet  by  a singular  inconsistency,  which,  perhaps, 
ha  did  not  appreciate,  he  managed  to  reiterate  his 
old  principles,  even  while  he  stood  among  the  very 
ruins  into  which  he  had  prostrated  them.  He 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


225 


actually  seized  this  extraordinary  moment  for  an 
extreme  assertion  of  the  doctrine  of  states’  rights, 
accompanied  by  some  of  that  mawkish  sentimental-, 
ity  and  political  rubbish  which  so  constantly  excite 
a revulsion  of  feeling  when  one  most  wishes  to  ad- 
mire him.  The  Federalists,  he  says,  “ see  in  this 
acquisition  the  formation  of  a new  confederacy, 
embracing  all  the  waters  of  the  Mississippi,  on 
both  sides  of  it,  and  a separation  of  its  eastern 
waters  from  us.”  This  result  he  thinks  improb- 
able. But  the  possibility  of  its  happening  does 
not  appear  to  him  an  argument  against  that  pur- 
chase which  may  promote  it.  For  “ the  future 
inhabitants  of  the  Atlantic  and  Mississippi  States 
will  be  our  sons.  We  leave  them  in  distinct  but 
bordering  establishments  ; we  think  we  see  their 
happiness  in  their  union,  and  we  wish  it.  Events 
may  prove  it  otherwise ; and  if  they  see  their  inter- 
est in  separation,  why  should  we  take  sides  with 
our  Atlantic  rather  than  our  Mississippi  descend- 
ants ? It  is  the  elder  and  the  younger  son  differ- 
ing. God  bless  them  both,  and  keep  them  in 
union,  if  it  be  for  their  good,  but  separate  them 
if  it  be  better.”  This  is  the  piety  of  states’  rights 
and  the  statesmanship  of  secession,  very  plausibly 
put  under  the  peculiar  circumstances.  He  reiter- 
ated it  again  with  something  less  of  holiness  in  his 
language  about  six  months  later.  “ Whether  we 
remain  one  confederacy,  or  form  into  Atlantic  and 
Mississippi  confederacies,  I believe  not  very  impor- 
tant to  the  happiness  of  either  part.  Those  of  the 


226 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


western  confederacy  will  be  as  much  our  children 
and  descendants  as  those  of  the  eastern,”  etc.  It 
is  inevitable  that  one  pauses  a moment  to  specu- 
late upon  the  problem : what  gospel  J efferson  would 
have  preached  to  the  people  in  1861.  Would  he 
have  been  among  those  whose  text  was  “ Let  them 
go  in  peace  ” ? Probably  not,  for  he  would  have 
preferred  inconsistency  to  unpopularity. 

Yet  these  matters  of  argument  and  logic,  theory 
and  consistency,  may  easily  be  dwelt  upon  unfairly. 
For  every  one  must  admit  -that  the  government 
ought  to  have  bought  Louisiana,  and  must  equally 
admit  that  the  propriety  of  the  purchase  did  not 
alone  suffice  to  annihilate  all  those  broad  political 
theories  of  the  Republican  party  which  would  have 
forbidden  it.  It  was  simply  a proper  case  for  break- 
ing a rule  without  discrediting  it,  a case  which 
will  occur  under  any  and  all  rules.  So  far  as  Jef- 
ferson personally  was  concerned,  Destiny,  that  god- 
dess who  loves  nothing  so  much  as  irony,  had  led 
him  to  the  point  to  which  she  so  often  leads  the 
profoundest  statesmen  and  the  wisest  philosophers, 
the  point  where  the  choice  must  be  made  betwixt 
a sound  abstract  doctrine  and  a sensible  act  incon- 
sistent therewith.  In  the  dilemma  Jefferson  did 
what  all  really  great  statesmen  and  philosophers 
always  have  done  and  always  will  do  in  such  an 
emergency ; he  turned  his  back  upon  the  doctrine 
and  did  the  act.  He  preferred  sound  sense  to 
sound  logic,  and  set  intelligent  statesmanship  above 
political  consistency.  Of  course  he  laid  himself 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM  , 


227 


open  to  reproach  and  ridicule.  Throughout  the 
country  every  Federalist  throat  sent  forth  a howl 
of  abuse  against  the  democrat  who  had  turned 
autocrat ; every  Federalist  finger  was  pointed  in 
scorn  at  the  strict  constructionist  who,  in  an  in- 
stant, had  thrown  overboard  the  whole  Constitu- 
tion. But  Jefferson  bore  these  taunts  with  much 
tranquillity.  He  could  afford  to  do  so.  If  his  po- 
litical philosophy  had  become  somewhat  emaciated 
beneath  the  severe  treatment  to  which  he  had  sub- 
jected it,  his  popularity  as  a statesman  had  waxed 
hugely  fat  upon  the  same  food.  “ The  treaty,”  he 
said,  “ has  obtained  nearly  general  approbation. 
The  Federalists  spoke  and  voted  against  it ; but 
they  are  now  so  reduced  in  their  numbers  as  to  be 
nothing.”  Yet  he  behaved  really  very  well.  He 
did  not  try  to  carry  off  his  lawlessness  with  a high 
hand,  as  the  applause  of  the  people  might  have 
tempted  and  enabled  him  to  do.  He  did  not  en- 
deavor to  put  upon  the  transaction  any  sophistical 
gloss,  which  his  dialectic  cleverness  would  have 
made  easy  for  him,  especially  in  the  presence  of  a 
well-disposed  audience.  But  he  frankly  acknow- 
ledged that  the  necessities  of  the  case  had  com- 
pelled him  to  do  what  was  unlawful.  Abjuring 
such  sophistries  as  the  administration  party  in  Con- 
gress had  put  forth,  he  honestly  said,  even  while 
the  matter  was  still  pending : — 

“ The  Constitution  has  made  no  provision  for  our 
holding  foreign  territory,  still  less  for  fiicorporating  for- 
eign nations  into  our  Union.  The  executive,  in  seizing 


228 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


the  fugitive  occurrence  which  so  much  advances  the  good 
of  their  country,  has  done  an  act  beyond  the  Constitu- 
tion. The  legislature,  in  casting  behind  them  meta- 
physical subtleties,  and  risking  themselves  like  faithful 
servants,  must  ratify  and  pay  for  it,  and  throw  them- 
selves on  their  country  for  doing  for  them,  unauthorized, 
what  we  know  they  would  have  done  for  themselves  had 
they  been  in  a situation  to  do  it.” 

Loatli  to  leave  his  justification  solely  to  the  wis- 
dom of  his  act,  he  desired  to  be  put,  technically, 
in  as  sound  a position  as  possible.  To  this  end  he 
was  very  anxious  that  there  should  be  a formal 
ratification  by  the  people  in  the  shape  of  a consti- 
tutional amendment.  He  even  drew  up  one,  and 
intimated  to  his  friends  in  the  cabinet  and  in  Con- 
gress that  he  hoped  to  see  it  put  upon  its  passage. 
They  were  less  scrupulous  than  he,  and  would  not 
concern  themselves  much  about  it,  so  that  it  was 
allowed  to  drop.  Perhaps  he  was  not  so  urgent  in 
pushing  the  scheme  as  he  might  have  been ; but 
at  least  he  did  not  disguise  his  opinions  and  his 
wishes,  which  were  undeniably  correct  and  becom- 
ing. 

Yet  it  may  be  said  that  in  a certain  way  Jeffer- 
son had  been  true  to  his  fundamental  and  grandest 
principles,  even  in  breaking  those  which  were  in  a 
sense  secondary.  He  believed  primarily  in  the  will 
of  the  people,  and  sought  primarily  the  good  of  the 
people.  The  Constitution  commanded  his  respect, 
because  it  formally  expressed  that  will  and  sub- 
stantially advanced  that  good.  In  a peculiar  crisis, 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


229 


where  this  written  law  seemed  to  lose  these  distinc- 
tive characteristics,  it  seemed  also  for  the  time  to 
lose  much  of  its  title  to  obedience.  It  was  true  he 
had  no  technical  or  definite  expression  of  the  peo- 
ple’s will,  but  it  would  have  been  absurd  to  pretend 
to  doubt  that  he  executed  that  will  in  acquiring 
Louisiana  upon  favorable  terms,  by,  against,  or 
outside  of  the  Constitution.  If  the  necessary  con- 
stitutional amendment  could  have  been  made  by  an 
immediate  popular  vote,  it  would  have  been  accom- 
plished in  a week.  This  is  a hazardous  doctrine, 
and  so  was  Jefferson’s  action,  though  right,  a dan- 
gerous precedent.  But  certainly  the  history  of  the 
transaction  puts  it  beyond  a question  that  the 
statesman  predominated  over  the  doctrinaire  in  his 
composition,  though  his  enemies  to  this  day  assert 
the  contrary. 


CHAPTER  XV 


PRESIDENT  : FIRST  TERM.  — IMPEACHMENTS.  — 
REFLECTION 

Jefferson’s  personal  animosities  were  few. 
They  were  limited  to  the  small  body  of  supposed 
“ monocrats,”  the  New  England  clergy,  and  the 
Federalist  judges  in  the  courts  of  the  United 
States.  In  all  his  preachings  of  universal  bene- 
volence and  political  brotherhood  there  must  be 
understood  a tacit  reservation  against  these  three 
classes  of  the  community.  Of  these  the  judges 
presented  the  most  definite  mark.  It  has  already 
been  seen  how  he  felt  about  the  exclusive  possession 
of  the  courts  by  the  Federalists.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  he  wished,  if  he  could  not  effect  a radical 
change  in  the  judicial  personnel,  at  least  to  give  an 
impressive  lesson  to  the  life-tenants  of  the  benches. 
The  object  of  his  first  experiment  was  skillfully 
selected.  He  seat  to  the  Representatives  a special 
message  concerning  alleged  shortcomings  and  vices 
of  Pickering  of  New  Hampshire,  judge  of  the  Dis- 
trict Court.  Pickering  was  at  once  impeached  be- 
fore the  Senate  by  order  of  the  House,  was  found 
guilty  and  removed.  The  Federalist  senators  stood 
by  him  gallantly,  and  voted  unanimously  for  his 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


231 


acquittal.  Precisely  what  were  the  merits  of  the 
case,  and  whether  Pickering  was  not  more  justly  to 
be  pitied  than  censured,  it  is  now  difficult  to  say. 
Certain  it  is  that  he  has  been  generally  represented 
as  a worthless  fellow,  morally  and  mentally ; yet 
it  seems  by  no  means  equally  certain  that  he  de- 
serves such  condemnation.  It  has  been  alleged  on 
his  behalf  that  he  was  mentally  unbalanced.  If 
this  was  the  case,  it  was  his  misfortune  rather  than 
his  fault  that  he  furnished  an  oppportunity  too 
happily  available  for  Jefferson’s  purposes.  But, 
whichever  way  the  facts  may  have  been,  it  is  prob- 
able enough  that  Jefferson  himself  acted  in  good 
faith,  hearing  discreditable  tales  of  his  victim,  and 
not  duly  informed  as  to  the  true  cause.1 

But  this  was  only  light  practicing ; much  higher 
game  was  aimed  at  in  the  person  of  Judge  Chase 
of  Maryland,  a justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  He 
was  of  unquestioned  integrity  and  ability ; but  he 
was  a Federalist  of  the  extreme  type,  and  found 
it  as  impossible  to  keep  his  Federalism  out  of  his 

1 The  late  Andrew  P.  Peabody,  D.  D.,  professor  at  Harvard 
University,  who  was  familiar  with  the  local  reminiscences  and 
traditions  concerning'  the  judge,  informs  me  that  he  was  a man  of 
excellent  character  and  in  the  best  repute  in  New  Hampshire, 
and  that  the  eccentricities  and  improprieties  which  served  as  the 
basis  of  his  impeachment  were  only  the  earlier  manifestations  of 
a mental  aberration  which  soon  afterward  developed  into  unques- 
tionable insanity.  Further  authorities  in  favor  of  the  judge  may 
he  found  in  William  Plumer’s  Life  of  William  Plumer,  edited 
by  Rev.  Andrew  P.  Peabody,  Boston,  1857,  pp.  272-274 ; and  in 
Nathaniel  Adams’s  Annals  of  Portsmouth,  Portsmouth,  1825,  pp. 
332-355. 


232 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


charges  to  juries  as  Copperfielcl  says  that  Mr.  Dick 
did  to  keep  King  Charles’s  head  out  of  his  memo- 
rials. There  is  no  doubt  that  he  erred  gravely  in 
this  particular,  and  used  his  judicial  position  in  a 
manner  improper  even  in  those  times,  and  which 
in  our  day  would  be  deemed  intolerable.  That  he 
was  ever  led  to  the  commission  of  an  actual  in- 
justice does  not  appear ; and  whether  his  offenses 
against  official  decorum,  when  they  could  not  be 
proved  ever  to  have  resulted  in  practical  wrong, 
ought  to  have  been  regarded  as  ground  for  im- 
peachment, was  at  best  doubtful.  But  Jefferson 
and  his  friends  resolved  to  make  the  trial ; in  addi- 
tion to  the  political  advantage  which  success  might 
bring  them,  they  were  incensed  against  Chase  per- 
sonally by  reason  of  a speech  which  he  had  lately 
delivered  to  the  grand  jury,  wherein  he  had  very 
soundly  berated  the  Democratic  party  for  having 
repealed  the  Judiciary  Act.  However  unjustifi- 
able this  tirade  was,  yet  it  made  a narrow  founda- 
tion for  an  impeachment.  Other  charges  were 
therefore  sought,  and  the  Republican  managers 
went  back  nearly  five  years  to  the  trials  of  Dries 
and  of  Callender,  at  which  Chase  had  certainly 
shown  his  political  bias  in  a manner  deserving  of 
reprehension.  But  these  were  old  stories ; and  if 
they  were  so  heinous  as  was  now  alleged,  at  least 
it  followed  that  the  Republicans  had  been  guilty 
of  gross  laches  in  not  having  long  since  made  them 
the  basis  of  proceedings  for  removal.  Attaching 
them  to  the  later  causes  of  complaint  constituted 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


233 


a virtual  acknowledgment  of  tlie  insufficiency  of 
these  later  causes  when  taken  by  themselves.  Nor 
was  there  any  object  in  gathering  together  many 
improprieties,  all  which  in  conjunction  might  suffice 
to  show,  in  a general  way,  that  the  judge  was  unfit 
for  his  office.  For  the  question  which  the  Senate 
must  decide  was  not,  whether  upon  the  whole 
Chase  was  fit  or  unfit  for  his  judicial  position,  but 
whether  upon  any  one  of  the  specific  charges  of 
the  impeachment  the  evidence  showed  him  to  be  a 
guilty  man. 

Jefferson’s  behavior  in  this  affair  was  shrewd 
and  selfish.  The  end  which  he  desired  to  attain 
was  so  desirable  that  even  a small  prospect  of  suc- 
cess justified  the  endeavor.  But  a defeat  would 
bring  so  much  condemnation  on  the  losers,  and 
there  was  so  much  chance  of  defeat,  that  he  had 
no  notion  of  subjecting  his  own  person  and  for- 
tunes to  the  risk.  Perhaps  he  felt  about  his  pres- 
tige in  politics  as  great  generals  are  entitled  to 
feel  about  their  own  lives  in  battle,  that  it  was  too 
valuable  to  his  party  to  he  jeoparded.  Certain  it 
is  that  he  played  only  the  part  of  an  instigator. 
He  did  not  send  in  a message,  as  in  the  more  clear 
and  wholly  unimportant  case  of  Pickering.  But 
his  faithful  henchman,  the  hot-headed  Randolph, 
equally  devoid  of  caution  and  of  judgment,  stood 
ready  at  a word  from  the  chief  to  plunge  into  any 
dubious  fray.  The  signal  was  given  to  him  May 
13,  1803,  through  Nicholson,  who  was  Randolph’s 
personal  friend,  and  acted  as  his  chief  of  staff  in 


234 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


the  House  of  Representatives.  To  this  gentleman 
Jefferson  wrote : “ You  must  have  heard  of  the 
extraordinary  charge  of  Chase  to  the  grand  jury 
at  Baltimore.  Ought  this  seditious  and  official 
attack  on  the  principles  of  our  Constitution  and 
on  the  proceedings  of  a State  to  go  unpunished? 
And  to  whom  so  pointedly  as  yourself  will  the 
public  look  for  the  necessary  measures  ? I ask 
these  questions  for  your  considei'ation  ; for  myself 
it  is  better  that  I should  not  interfere.”  Accord- 
ingly, to  the  end,  he  did  not  interfere ; he  only 
watched  with  profound  interest.  But  he  had  the 
disappointment  to  see  the  veteran  judge,  aided  by 
the  ablest  counsel  in  the  country,  prove  altogether 
too  much  for  Randolph.  As  the  cause  proceeded, 
he  was  compelled  to  recognize  that  only  the  most 
merciless  use  of  the  party  whip  could  dragoon  the 
requisite  two  thirds  of  the  senators  into  sustaining 
the  impeachment ; and  he  dared  not  exert  his  in- 
fluence in  a cause  which  it  would  be  so  difficult  to 
justify.  In  silent  chagrin  he  averted  his  counte- 
nance, while  Randolph  met  a severe  defeat  after 
a very  bitter  contest.  The  administration  party 
was  worsted,  but  its  astute . leader  had  been  exter- 
nally so  indifferent  that  he  was  not  compromised 
in  the  popular  opinion  by  the  blunder  of  his 
friends.  But  he  had  learned  the  lesson  and  made 
no  further  attempts  to  meddle  with  the  bench.  It 
remained  to  the  end  an  immovable  obstacle  in  the 
way  of  the  complete  triumph  of  his  political  theo- 
ries. 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


235 


Jefferson’s  first  term  in  the  presidency  was  a 
great  success.  This  was  not  so  much  due  to  what 
he  had  really  done  as  to  what  he  appeared  to  have 
done.  For  in  fact  no  fundamental  changes  had 
been  made  in  the  system  of  administering  the  na- 
tional affairs.  A different  atmosphere  prevailed 
at  the  capital,  but  it  had  affected  rather  the  exter- 
nal aspect  than  the  inner  constitution  of  the  gov- 
ernment. The  work  of  the  Federalist  party  had 
not  been  undone  in  a single  particular  of  any  im- 
portance. A certain  relaxation  was  discernible, 
a certain  air  of  carelessness  ; but  except  for  the 
hostility  to  the  army  and  navy,  little  practical  re- 
sult was  observable.  All  the  great  constructive 
measures  of  that  party  remained  unaltered ; the 
governmental  machinery  which  it  had  devised  was 
worked  by  the  new  hands  much  as  it  had  been  by 
the  old  ones.  In  any  matters  of  substantial  im- 
portance there  was  very  little  more  real  democracy 
under  the  sway  of  the  Democrats  than  there  had 
been  under  that  of  the  Federalists.  The  demo- 
crat Jefferson  enjoyed  and  exercised  a personal 
authority  infinitely  greater  than  had  been  wielded 
by  the  “ monocrat  ” Adams.  Indeed,  even  to  this 
day  no  president  since  Washington  has  ever  been 
able  to  dictate  to  Congress  as  Jefferson  could  do, 
and  upon  sufficient  occasion  actually  did.  No 
president  since  Washington  has  ever  led  the  peo- 
ple in  such  unquestioning  obedience.  But  these 
facts  were  not  clearly  recognized  at  the  time. 
Congress  did  not  appreciate  th^t  it  was  receiving 


r 


236 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


orders ; the  people  had  not  the  slightest  notion 
that  they  were  under  control.  For  Jefferson  never 
used  the  accent  of  command  or  assumed  the  hear- 
ing of  a leader.  His  influence  was  singularly 
shadowy  and  mysterious.  He  simply  communi- 
cated suggestions  and  opinions  to  this  or  that  se- 
lected one  among  those  who  believed  in  him.  The 
suggestions  and  opinions  were  followed  not  with 
any  consciousness  of  discipline,  but  from  a true 
feeling  of  admiration  and  confidence  towards  the 
great  and  good  statesman  who  seemed  always  to 
speak  wisely  and  to  think  virtuously ; who,  at 
least,  had  many  times  been  proved  to  plan  with 
unrivaled  astuteness  for  the  good  of  his  party. 
That  party  had  already  begun  to  abjure  the  name 
of  Republicans  in  order  to  adopt  exclusively  that 
of  Democrats : the  title  has  ever  since  been  kept, 
and  the  identity  of  the  party  has  been  preserved, 
while  its  political  opponents  have  had  a variety  of 
appellations  and  have  undergone  some  breaks  in 
continuity,  if  not  some  mutations  of  principle. 
But  it  is  a singular  circumstance  that  the  body 
which  had  chosen  to  declare  itself  the  guardian  of 
democratic  principles  has  always  from  the  outset 
been  peculiarly  prone  to  fall  beneath  the  dictation 
of  a single  individual.  No  leader  among  the 
Federalists,  the  Whigs,  or  the  Republicans  (the 
present  party  of  that  name)  has  ever  had  a per- 
sonal supremacy  equal  to  that  of  Jefferson  or  that 
of  Andrew  Jackson.  The  Democrats  have  invari- 
ably been  most  powerful  under  the  sway  of  a 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


237 


monocrat  and  have  always  taken  kindly  to  that 
sway. 

Jefferson  was  able  from  time  to  time  in  his  first 
four  years  to  make  a very  good  showing  in  those 
matters  of  detail  which  were  much  more  definite 
and  obvious  than  were  the  generalities  of  political 
theories.  Thus  every  one  could  see  that  he  dressed 
with  ostentatious  shabbiness  on  occasions  when 
dress  was  likely  to  be  noticed ; every  one  knew 
that  the  monarchical  levees  of  Washington  and 
Adams  were  discontinued.  It  was  also  well  known 
that  the  army  had  been  subjected  to  such  a “ chaste 
reformation  ” that  the  smallest  remnant  only  re- 
mained. The  Federalists  allowed  no  one  to  forget 
that  the  harbors  were  not  properly  fortified,  and 
that  the  navy  was  not  kept  up  as  it  should  be. 
Like  economies  were  practiced  in  all  other  depart- 
ments. When  the  odious  internal  taxes  were  done 
away  with,  and  when,  without  them,  the  treasury 
prospered  wonderfully  and  reduced  the  national 
debt  with  surprising  rapidity,  the  credit  for  these 
achievements  was  given  to  the  economy  of  the  ad- 
ministration and  to  its  able  financial  management. 
Really  more  efficient  causes  were  the  growth  and 
prosperity  of  the  country  and  the  soundness  of 
the  financial  policy  which  Hamilton  had  inaugu- 
rated. But  Jefferson  would  have  been  more  than 
a Quixote  in  politics  had  he  frankly  admitted  that 
he  wras  only  reaping  the  fields  which  Hamilton  had 
sowed.  In  like  manner  the  freedom  from  anxiety 
about  European  complications  was  altogether  due  to 


238 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


causes  entirely  beyond  the  reach  of  Jefferson’s  in- 
fluence. But  fortune  had  become  his  friend  more 
than  ever  before,  and  everything  redounded  to  his 
good  fame  and  popularity.1  The  nation  did  not 
concern  itself  too  critically  with  the  connections  of 
cause  and  effect,  but,  feeling  very  comfortable  and 
good-natured  amid  the  broad  visible  facts  of  the 
passing  time,  gave  credit  for  the  condition  of 
affairs  to  the  rulers  for  the  time  being.  Had  not 
' Jefferson  always  preached  economy,  and  reviled 
the  financial  management  of  the  Federalists  ; and 
now  were  not  expenses  curtailed,  and  taxes  reduced, 
and  debts  being  rapidly  diminished?  Had  not 
Jefferson  always  desired  peaceful  relations  with 
foreign  powers,  and  had  the  country  been  for  many 
years  past  so  free  from  irritation  and  anxiety  grow- 
ing' out  of  foreign  affairs?  Had  not  Jefferson 

1 Jefferson  did  not  hesitate  to  claim  credit  for  all  that  he  plausi- 
bly could.  In  April,  1802,  he  wrote : “ The  session  of  the  first 
Congress  convened  since  Republicanism  has  recovered  its  ascend- 
ency is  now  drawing  to  a close.  They  will  pretty  completely 
fulfill  all  the  desires  of  the  people.  They  have  reduced  the  army 
and  navy  to  what  is  barely  necessary.  They  are  disarming  execu- 
tive patronage  and  preponderance  by  putting  down  one  half  the 
offices  of  the  United  States  which  are  no  longer  necessary.  These 
economies  have  enabled  them  to  suppress  all  the  internal  taxes, 
and  still  to  make  such  provision  for  the  payment  of  their  public 
debt  as  to  discharge  that  in  eighteen  years.  They  have  lopped  off 
a parasite  limb,  planted  by  their  predecessors  on  their  judiciary 
body  for  party  purposes  ; they  are  opening  the  doors  of  hospitality 
to  fugitives  from  the  oppression  of  other  countries  ; and  we  have 
suppressed  all  those  public  forms  and  ceremonies  which  tended 
to  familiarize  the  public  eye  to  the  harbingers  of  another  form  of 
government.  The  people  are  nearly  all  united.” 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


239 


always  declared  that  he  sought  unity  of  feeling 
and  the  prevalence  of  universal  good-will  among 
the  people  themselves,  and  had  political  kindliness 
ever  before  permeated  the  nation  as  it  did  to-day  ? 
Four  years  of  prosperity  and  tranquillity  left  little 
room  for  discontent  with  the  government.  Amid 
such  influences  political  opposition  pined  and 
almost  died.  The  Federalist  party  shrank  to  in- 
significant dimensions ; indeed,  since  it  flourished 
chiefly  in  a narrow  locality,  and  was  largely  re- 
cruited from  those  peculiar  spirits  who  appear  to 
be  by  nature  m alcon tents  and  grumblers,  it  seemed 
on  the  verge  of  becoming  rather  a faction  than  a 
party. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  when  the  fifth 
presidential  election  took  place.  At  the  close  of 
February,  1804,  the  Republican  members  of  Con- 
gress held  a caucus  and  nominated  Jefferson  as 
the  party  candidate  for  the  presidency  at  the  next 
election.  They  also  very  gladly  felt  that  they 
could  safely  throw  Burr  overboard,  and  they  accord- 
ingly named  George  Clinton  for  the  second  place. 
Jefferson  could  not  bring  himself  to  decline  a sec- 
ond term.  He  can  hardly  be  seriously  blamed 
for  this,  though  certainly  he  became  guilty  of  still 
another  inconsistency,  which  he  defended  only  by 
so-called  reasons  which  deserved  the  less  honorable 
name  of  excuses.  His  opinion  “ originally  ” had 
been,  “that  the  President  of  the  United  States 
should  have  been  elected  for  seven  years,  and  be 
forever  ineligible  afterwards.”  But  he  had  “ since 


240 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


become  sensible  that  seven  years  is  too  long  to  be 
irremovable.  . . . The  service  for  eight  years,  with 
a power  to  remove  at  the  end  of  the  first  four, 
comes  nearer  to  my  principle  as  corrected  by  ex- 
perience.” Admirable  happiness  of  expression, 
that  might  have  planted  envy  in  the  breast  of  the 
most  subtle  Jesuit ! In  adherence  to  this  principle, 
he  adds  : “ I determine  to  withdraw  at  the  end  of 
my  second  term.  . . . General  Washington  set  the 
example  of  retirement  at  the  end  of  eight  years.  I 
shall  follow  it ; and  a few  more  precedents  will 
oppose  the  obstacle  of  habit  to  any  one  after  a 
while  who  shall  endeavor  to  extend  his  term.”  So 
much  for  his  abstract  principles.  His  more  specific 
motives  he  stated  as  follows : — 

“ I sincerely  regret  that  the  unbounded  calumnies  of 
the  Federal  party  have  obliged  me  to  throw  myself  on 
the  verdict  of  my  country  for  trial,  my  great  desire  hav- 
ing been  to  retire,  at  the  end  of  the  present  term,  to  a 
life  of  tranquillity ; and  it  was  my  decided  purpose  when 
I entered  into  office.  They  force  my  continuance.  If 
we  can  keep  the  vessel  of  state  as  steadily  in  her  course 
for  another  four  years,  my  earthly  purposes  will  be  ac- 
complished, and  I shall  be  free  to  enjoy,  as  you  are 
doing,  my  family,  my  farm,  and  my  hooks.” 

So  the  Federalists  were  told  that  they  might 
thank  their  own  ill-temper  for  the  continuance  of 
their  much  hated  opponent  in  the  presidency.  They 
must  seek  such  comfort  as  they  could  find  in  his 
asseveration  that  he  was  very  unhappy  about  it. 

A party  so  large  and  so  omnipotent  as  the  Re- 


PRESIDENT:  FIRST  TERM 


241 


publicans,  or  Democrats,  had  now  become,  could 
not  long  remain  wholly  free  from  intestine  feuds. 
Some  rifts  seemed  already  to  become  visible.  The 
followers  of  Burr  were  angry  at  his  ignominious 
displacement ; there  were  dissensions  in  New  York ; 
and  symptoms  which  soon  ripened  into  ill  blood 
were  discernible  in  Pennsylvania.  Even  the  De- 
mocrats in  the  Eastern  States  were  getting  much 
disgusted  with  the  Virginian  ascendency.  In  view 
of  these  hopeful  facts  the  Federalists  began  to 
cherish  schemes  of  detaching  from  the  main  body 
of  Republicans  a considerable  number  of  malcon- 
tents ; then  an  alliance,  in  which  they  would  be 
the  more  weighty  partner,  might  restore  them  to 
power.  Jefferson  was  well  aware  of  these  intrigues, 
but  watched  them  with  just  contempt.  Nothing 
came  of  them.  When  the  time  arrived,  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  all  sections  of  the  country  voted 
solidly  and  won  an  overwhelming  victory.  Even 
Massachusetts  was  for  once  carried  by  them,  to  the 
immense  surprise  and  chagrin  of  the  Federalists. 
In  the  electoral  colleges  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  votes  were  cast  for  Jefferson  and  Clinton ; 
fourteen  faithful  Federalists  gave  their  ballots 
for  C.  C.  Pinckney  and  Rufus  King.  It  was  a 
glorious  triumph. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


PRESIDENT  : SECOND  TERM.  — RANDOLPH’S  DEFEC- 
TION. — burr’s  treason 

A long  life  of  singular  good  fortune,  almost 
unprecedented  in  a land  of  popular  government, 
checkered  by  few  serious  and  no  enduring  disap- 
pointments, found  its  culmination  in  the  brilliant 
victory  of  the  election  of  1804.  Had  Jefferson 
been  as  wise  as  the  prince  in  the  fable  he  would 
have  been  alarmed  at  his  own  fortune,  and  have 
felt  reluctant  further  to  test  the  constancy  of  his 
good  Genius,  knowing  how  difficult  it  is  to  perch 
long  upon  the  giddy  pinnacle  of  supreme  success. 
Apparently  he  felt  no  such  boding  instinct,  but 
approached  his  second  term  with  tranquil  confi- 
dence. This  temper  was  not  properly  attributable 
to  personal  vanity,  nor  to  the  overweening  ambi- 
tion which  his  detractors  ascribed  to  him.  Rather 
it  was  due  to  his  firm  belief  that  his  theories  of 
government  were  so  founded  in  eternal  truth  that 
success  and  popularity  naturally  attended  upon  him 
as  their  expositor.  So  far  as  he  was  egotistical 
and  self-confident,  he  was  so  because  he  honestly 
conceived  himself  to  be  a genuine  and  successful 
benefactor  of  mankind.  Yet  some  misgivings  and 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


243 


self-distrust  would  have  been  more  timely,  for  what- 
ever were  his  deserts  he  was  about  to  meet  such 
reverses  as  experience  shows  almost  inevitably  suc- 
ceed to  long-continued  prosperity. 

Not  many  days  after  Monroe  and  Livingston 
had  agreed  to  purchase  Louisiana,  war  had  again 
broken  out  in  Europe.  Nor  did  hostilities  advance 
far  before  the  ill  effects  attendant  upon  all  those 
Napoleonic  struggles  began  to  be  experienced  by 
the  United  States  in  the  too  familiar  shape  of 
naval  outrages  and  lawless  aggressions  upon  their 
neutral  commerce.  Serious  complaints  were  heard, 
and  the  outlook  was  far  from  cheerful  during  many 
months  before  Jefferson’s  second  inauguration. 
Yet  he  obstinately  maintained  a sanguine  temper. 
Resolved  to  preserve  a fair  neutrality,  he  would 
not  doubt  that  his  just  dealing  would  be  recipro- 
cated, and  the  neutral  rights  of  the  United  States 
be  respected  with  moderate  honesty.  The  career 
in  which  the  French  people  had  sustained  Napo- 
leon for  many  years  past  had  to  a great  extent 
cured  Jefferson  of  those  Gallican  predilections 
which  in  Washington’s  day  had  given  such  an 
unneutral  bias  to  his  feelings.  Now  he  had  been 
for  some  time  inclining  towards  England,  not  so 
much  with  warmth  of  sentiment  as  from  a respect 
for  her  position  as  the  chief  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
Bonaparte’s  military  despotism.  Even  so  far  back 
as  October,  1802,  he  had  written  rather  bitterly  to 
Livingston  : “ It  is  well,  however,  to  be  able  to  in- 
form you  generally  . . . that  we  stand  completely 


244 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


corrected  of  tlie  error  that  either  the  government 
or  the  nation  of  France  has  any  remains  of  friend- 
ship for  us.”  In  the  summer  of  1803  he  said  : 
“ We  see  . . . with  great  concern  the  position  in 
which  Great  Britain  is  placed,  and  should  be  sin- 
cerely afflicted  were  any  disaster  to  deprive  man- 
kind of  the  benefit  of  such  a bulwark  against 
the  torrent  which  has  for  some  time  been  bearing 
down  all  before  it.”  Again:  “We  are  friendly, 
cordially  and  conscientiously  friendly,  to  England. 
We  are  not  hostile  to  France.  We  will  be  rigor- 
ously just  and  sincerely  friendly  to  both.  I do  not 
believe  we  shall  have  as  much  to  swallow  from 
them  as  our  predecessors  had.”  In  this  spirit  to- 
wards the  warring  powers,  Jefferson  felt  “ a perfect 
horror  at  everything  like  connecting  ourselves  with 
the  politics  of  Europe.”  His  wish  was  that,  while 
the  nations  of  the  old  world  were  fighting,  the 
United  States  should  stand  by  indifferent,  or  at 
least  impartial,  but  rapidly  amassing  riches  through 
the  abundant  channel  of  a vast  neutral  commerce. 
It  was  a pleasing  and  sufficiently  honorable  pro- 
ject to  gather  wealth,  increase,  and  power  through 
peace.  “ The  day,”  he  wrote,  in  one  of  his  happy 
dreamings,  “ is  within  my  time  as  well  as  yours, 
when  we  may  say  by  what  laws  other  nations  shall 
treat  us  on  the  sea.  And  we  will  say  it.  In  the 
mean  time  we  wish  to  let  every  treaty  we  have  drop 
off  without  renewal.”  It  was  a civilized  policy 
worthy  of  respect.  Moreover  it  was  a sensible 
policy.  Jefferson  alone  understood  in  that  time 


t 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM  245 

the  truth,  which  is  now  more  generally  appreciated, 
that  by  sheer  growth  in  population,  wealth,  and 
industi’y  a nation  gains  the  highest  degi’ee  of  sub- 
stantial power  and  authority. 

But  Jefferson’s  attitude  was  that  of  a mercantile 
Quaker  seeking  an  amicable  trade  with  infuriated 
highwaymen,  hardly  a feasible  attitude  to  be  long 
maintained.  Rage  and  immediate  self-interest 
alone  ruled  the  combatants,  who  were  about  as 
much  influenced  by  Mr.  Jefferson’s  reasonable  and 
pacific  protestations  as  they  were  by  the  Sermon 
on  the  Mount.  Peace  and  neutrality  were  con- 
temptible phrases  in  their  ears.  The  British  cabi- 
net determined  that  the  United  States  should  either 
become  an  ally  of  England  or  be  plundered  by 
English  cruisers.  France  pursued  the  same  policy 
so  far  as  she  could.  But  Jefferson,  resolutely 
bent  upon  tranquillity  and  prosperity,  clung  to  his 
chosen  course,  and  persisted  in  protest  and  negoti- 
ation. His  expressions  of  good-will  towards  Eng- 
land increased.  “ No  two  countries  upon  earth,” 
he  said,  “ have  so  many  points  of  common  interest 
and  friendship,  and  their  rulers  must  be  great  bun- 
glers indeed,  if,  with  such  dispositions,  they  break 
them  asunder.”  It  was  cruel  indeed  to  have  only 
violence  and  robbery  returned  for  such  resolute 
amiability.  But  so  it  was  ; and  the  battle  of  Tra- 
falgar occurring  October  11,  1805,  and  leaving 
England  supreme  upon  the  ocean,  proved  a further 
serious  misfortune  for  the  United  States,  who  soon 
began  to  suffer  more  intolerable  injuries  than  any 
which  had  yet  been  inflicted  on  them. 


246 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Another  incident  in  the  first  year  of  his  second 
term  gave  the  President  grave  though  temporary 
annoyance.  Spain,  backed  by  France,  threatened 
to  make  serious  trouble  concerning  the  eastern 
boundaries  of  Louisiana.  Jefferson,  though  irri- 
tated and  ready  to  fight  if  need  be,  was  yet  suffi- 
ciently true  to  his  principles  to  prefer  the  peaceful 
remedy  of  a purchase.  On  December  6,  1805,  he 
sent  a private  message  to  the  House,  with  the  de- 
sign that  it  should  lead  up  to  such  another  appro- 
priation as  had  been  placed  at  his  disposal  in  the 
case  of  Louisiana.  But  to  the  surprise  and  dis- 
comfiture of  the  administrationists,  a report  of  a 
very  different  tenor  was  made  by  the  committee  to 
whom  the  message  was  referred  ; and  the  chairman 
of  that  committee  was  John  Randolph.  Here  was 
indeed  an  alarming  defection ; for  Randolph  had 
long  been  accustomed  to  lead  the  House  for  the 
government.  He  was  esteemed  daring,  able,  and 
influential ; and  those  traits,  which  later  gave  him 
the  character  of  a mere  political  free  lance,  had 
not  yet  been  fully  recognized.  He  had  carried 
through  the  Louisiana  measures  with  a contempt 
for  logic  and  law  which  proved  him  the  best  of  par- 
tisans ; he  had  endured  castigation  and  defeat  in 
the  Chase  impeachment  with  a gallantry  that  made 
him  seem  the  most  loyal  of  followers.  Nqw  sud- 
denly he  sprang  up  on  the  wrong  side  and  poured 
forth  the  most  vituperative  harangues  not  only 
against  the  policy  but  even  against  the  political 
integrity  of  the  President.  Jefferson  might  well 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


247 


be  taken  aback  by  this  singular  behavior,  for  he 
had  a right  to  expect  the  same  support  in  buying 
the  Floridas  which  had  been  accorded  in  buying 
Louisiana.  What,  then,  was  to  be  the  extent  of 
this  scission,  this  rebellion?  For  a short  time  he 
watched  the  debates  in  the  House  with  anxiety. 
But  ere  long  the  votes  reassured  him : only  eleven 
of  the  party  went  off  under  Randolph’s  banner : 
eighty-seven  maintained  their  allegiance  to  the  Pre- 
sident. Evidently  Randolph’s  personal  influence 
had  been  overrated.  Not  all  even  of  his  eleven 
remained  faithful  to  him,  when  it  appeared  that 
his  purpose  was  not  merely  a difference  upon  this 
single  occasion  but  extended  to  a permanent  oppo- 
sition. The  President  took  courage,  and  declared 
the  House  to  be 

“ as  well  disposed  as  ever  I saw  one.  The  defection 
of  so  prominent  a leader  threw  them  into  dismay  and 
confusion  for  a moment  ; but  they  soon  rallied  to  their 
own  principles  and  let  him  go  off  with  five  or  six  fol- 
lowers only.  . . . The  alarm  . . . from  this  schism 
has  produced  a rallying  together  and  a harmony,  which 
carelessness  and  security  had  begun  to  endanger.  On 
the  whole  this  little  trial  of  the  firmness  of  our  repre- 
sentatives in  their  principles  . . . has  added  much  to 
my  confidence  in  the  stability  of  our  government,  and 
to  my  conviction  that,  should  things  go  wrong  at  any 
time,  the  people  will  set  them  to  rights  by  the  peaceable 
exercise  of  their  elective  rights.” 

Characteristic  sentences  J J efferson  presents  the 
unusual  spectacle  of  one  who  grew  more  optimistic 
with  increasing  years. 


248 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Yet  Randolph’s  conduct,  though  of  slight  politi- 
cal consequence,  ought  to  have  given  food  for  re- 
flection to  the  people.  It  was  not  the  outgrowth 
of  selfish  disappointment,  but  of  a genuine  and 
honest  dissatisfaction  with  the  career  of  the  admin- 
istration. Randolph  was  really  a purist  in  poli- 
tics, as  Jefferson  had  professed  to  he.  He  had 
espoused  Republicanism  and  had  become  the  de- 
vout disciple  of  Jefferson  because  he  had  believed 
that  absolute  purity  would  prevail  beneath  the 
sway  of  that  party  and  its  admirable  leader.  A 
Republican  triumph  was  to  inaugurate  a golden 
age  of  virtue.  He  had  been  slow  to  awake  from 
this  delusion  and  to  acknowledge  that  his  idol  was 
adopting  the  ways  of  all  politicians,  and  that  the 
business  of  government  was  conducted  now  much 
as  it  had  been  in  the  bad  days  of  Federalism.  In 
the  pain  and  anger  of  disillusionment,  the  impetu- 
ous reformer  saw  no  better  course  than  to  abandon 
a chief  whom  he  chose  to  regard  as  forsworn.  His 
criticism  was  not  just,  because  the  critic  had  set 
up  an  ideal  standard,  and  had  expected  more  than 
could  be  done.  Yet  there  was  a lesson  to  be 
learned  from  his  strictures ; it  was  apparent  that 
Jefferson  in  earlier  times  had  found  fault  which 
he  had  no  right  to  find,  and  raised  hopes  which  he 
could  not  fulfill.  He  had  dreamed  and  promised 
probably  with  honesty,  but  he  was  not  transmuting 
his  dreams  into  realities  nor  making  his  promises 
good.  In  truth  he  could  not  do  so ; he  had  tried, 
but  he  had  unfortunately  talked  about  impossibili- 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


249 


ties  in  government  so  far  as  that  science  had  yet 
been  developed. 

In  1805-6  another  disturbance  arose.  Aaron 
Burr  had  made  up  his  mind  that  treason  was  pre- 
ferable to  a condition  of  political  failure.  For 
advancing  the  purposes  of  his  boundless  ambition 
Burr  possessed  infinite  audacity,  a singular  ca- 
pacity for  personal  fascination,  and  great  aptitude 
for  the  machinery  of  politics.  But  he  needed 
much  weightier  qualities  to  enable  him  to  cope 
with  such  powerful  leaders  as  Hamilton  and  Jef- 
ferson, who  both,  hostile  in  everything  else,  were 
of  one  mind  concerning  the  necessity  of  crushing 
him.  Nor  did  Burr  improve  matters,  but,  to  his 
infinite  surprise  and  chagrin,  made  them  vastly 
worse  by  the  method  which  he  took  to  rid  himself 
of  Hamilton.  He  only  added  universal  odium  to 
political  disaster  and  financial  ruin.  In  this  state 
of  his  affairs  he  concocted  his  famous  scheme  for 
seating  himself  upon  the  “ throne  of  the  Monte- 
zurnas,”  and  annexing  to  it  all  the  territory  west 
of  the  Alleghanies.  While  the  enterprise  was 
still  unchecked  and  the  wildest  rumors  of  its  ex- 
tent and  progress  were  prevalent,  Jefferson  main- 
tained a tranquil  confidence  highly  creditable  to 
his  good  sense.  He  omitted  no  precaution,  but  he 
felt  no  doubt  as  to  the  result.  Substantially  his 
anticipations  were  justified  by  the  prompt  and 
easy  shattering  of  the  meagre  forces  and  the  arrest 
of  the  principal  traitor. 

When  Burr  was  brought  to  Richmond  for  trial, 


250 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


the  President  took  the  liveliest  interest  in  the 
legal  proceeding's.  Then  indeed  was  witnessed  a 
singular  spectacle.  The  Federalists,  forgetting 
that  the  hands  of  the  criminal  were  red  with  the 
life-blood  of  that  distinguished  man  to  whom  their 
party  owed  at  once  its  existence  and  nearly  all  the 
measures  upon  which  it  could  base  its  good  repu* 
tation,  and  seeing  in  the  alleged  project  of  Burr 
only  a scheme  which,  if  successful,  would  have 
overwhelmed  in  disgrace  the  administration  of  Jef- 
ferson, now  received  the  wretch  with  every  demon- 
stration of  friendship  and  admiration.  They 
pretended  to  regard  him  as  an  innocent  man  per- 
secuted by  the  President  from  motives  of  personal 
spite.  It  is  highly  improbable  that  they  believed 
what  they  said ; but  even  if  they  did,  it  ill  became 
them  to  be  upholders  of  Burr.  Accident  made  it 
likely  that  the  punishment  of  a traitor  would 
gratify  a private  animosity  which  it  may  be  ad- 
mitted that  the  President  must  have  felt,  since  he 
was  human.  But  Burr  was  so  unquestionably 
guilty  that  Jefferson,  as  president,  was  in  duty 
bound  to  desire  his  conviction,  and  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  say  how  far  personal  feeling  mingled  with 
public  motives.  By  established  rules  the  Presi- 
dent was  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  the  doubt.  But 
the  Federalists,  while  they  most  shamefully  con- 
doned Hamilton’s  murder,  gave  Jefferson  no  benefit 
of  any  doubt,  preferring  to  pursue  him  with  un- 
bounded abuse. 

Jefferson  certainly  made  no  secret  of  his  opin- 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


251 


ion  ; but  there  was  no  reason  why  he  should  do 
so ; there  was  no  danger  that  the  naked  fact  that 
he  thought  Burr  guilty  would  have  any  undue 
weight  in  a court  over  which  Marshall  was  pre- 
siding. Indeed,  if  any  influence  at  all  was  percep- 
tible in  that  tribunal,  it  was  the  influence  of  the 
Federalist  friends  of  the  accused.  Jefferson,  of 
course,  made  no  effort,  as  he  had  no  power,  to 
affect  the  conduct  of  the  trial  directly  or  indi- 
rectly, save  so  far  as  that  he  communicated  to  the 
government  counsel  any  facts  or  suggestions  which 
occurred  to  him.  But  he  watched  the  proceedings 
closely,  and  certainly  he  had  a right  to  be  indig- 
nant at  some  incidents  in  them.  For  instance, 
Luther  Martin,  himself  not  untainted  by  suspicion 
of  collusion  with  his  “ highly-respected  friend,”  as 
he  took  pains  to  call  Burr  in  open  court,  did  not 
hesitate  to  charge  that  the  President,  by  “ tyranni- 
cal orders  ” “ contrary  to  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws,”  had  endeavored  to  consign  “ to  destruction  ” 
“ the  life  and  property  of  an  innocent  man.”  The 
judges  sat  silent  while  the  counsel  uttered  this  and 
more  of  the  same  sort.  Then  application  was 
made  by  the  defendant’s  lawyers  for  a subpoena 
duces  tecum  to  compel  the  President  personally  to 
attend  as  a witness,  bringing  the  letters  and  re- 
cords of  the  W ar  Department.  The  court  granted 
the  request,  but  admitted  that  it  had  no  authority 
to  enforce  such  a summons.  This  singular  asser- 
tion of  a right  to  command  not  backed  by  a power 
to  enforce  made  the  President  angry.  He  was 


252 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ready  to  send  any  papers  which  might  be  perti- 
nent, but  he  repudiated  the  notion  that  the  court 
could  properly  order  him  to  take  the  stand  as  a 
witness.  There  is  hardihood,  if  not  professional 
profanity,  in  questioning  a decision  of  Marshall; 
but  it  certainly  seems  as  though  the  Federalist 
rather  than  the  judge  spoke  on  this  occasion  ; and 
if  all  his  rulings  had  been  as  open  to  criticism  and 
to  suspicion  as  was  this  one,  he  might  have  left  a 
less  formidable  reputation. 

Jefferson  wrote  to  Hay  as  follows  : — 

“ Laying  down  the  position  generally,  that  all  persons 
owe  obedience  to  subpoenas,  lie  [Marshall]  admits  no 
exception  unless  it  can  be  produced  in  his  law  books. 
. . . The  Constitution  enjoins  his  [the  President’s]  con- 
stant agency  in  the  concerns  of  six  millions  of  people. 
Is  the  law  paramount  to  this,  which  calls  on  him  on 
behalf  of  a single  one  ? Let  us  apply  the  judge’s  own 
doctrine  to  the  case  of  himself  and  his  brethren.  The 
sheriff  of  Henrico  summons  him  from  the  bench  to  quell 
a riot  somewhere  in  his  county.  The  federal  judge 
is  by  the  general  law  a part  of  the  jjosse  of  the  state 
sheriff.  Would  the  judge  abandon  major  duties  to  per- 
form lesser  ones  ? Again  : the  court  of  Orleans  or 
Maine  commands  by  subpoenas  the  attendance  of  all 
the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court.  Would  they  abandon 
their  posts  as  judges,  and  the  interests  of  millions  com- 
mitted to  them,  to  serve  the  purposes  of  a single  indi- 
vidual ? The  leading  principle  of  our  Constitution  is 
the  independence  of  the  Legislature,  Executive,  and 
Judiciary  of  each  other  ; and  none  are  more  jealous  of 
this  than  the  Judiciary.  But  would  the  Executive  be 


PRESIDENT : SECOND  TERM 


253 


independent  of  the  Judiciary,  if  he  were  subject  to  the 
commands  of  the  latter,  and  to  imprisonment  for  dis- 
obedience, if  the  several  courts  could  bandy  him  from 
pillar  to  post,  keep  him  constantly  trudging  from  north 
to  south  and  east  to  west,  and  withdraw  him  entirely 
from  his  constitutional  duties  ? ” 

A striking  exemplification  of  the  force  of  this 
argument  would  probably  soon  have  been  fur- 
nished, bad  not  Burr  escaped  from  a trial  in  Ohio 
by  forfeiting  bis  bonds  and  fleeing  abroad.  For 
the  President  would  surely  have  been  summoned 
to  that  trial  also,  and,  if  be  bad  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons, would  have  been  kept  far  from  the  seat  of 
government,  in  a then  very  inaccessible  region,  at 
the  moment  when  bis  presence  was  of  exceptional 
importance  at  the  capital,  by  reason  of  the  doings 
of  British  cruisers  on  the  Virginian  seacoast,  and 
of  the  perilous  condition  of  our  relations  with  Eng- 
land. The  decision  of  Marshall  was  disregarded 
by  the  President,  and  nothing  more  came  of  it. 
Only  the  Federalists  used  bis  conduct  as  a further 
support  of  their  accusations  of  tyranny  and  in- 
justice. 

When  the  final  result  was  announced,  Jefferson 
directed  George  Hay,  of  counsel  for  the  govern- 
ment, not  to  pay  or  dismiss  any  witnesses  until 
their  testimony  should  have  been  taken  down  in 
writing.  “ These  whole  proceedings,”  he  said, 
“ will  be  laid  before  Congress,  that  they  may  de- 
cide whether  the  defect  has  been  in  the  evidence 
of  guilt,  or  in  the  law,  or  in  the  application  of  the 


254 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


law,  and  that  they  may  provide  the  proper  remedy 
for  the  past  and  the  future.”  He  was  as  good  as 
his  word,  calling  the  attention  of  Congress  to  the 
matter  in  his  next  message  in  language  of  unmis- 
takable tenor.  The  result  ultimately  was  the  pas- 
sage of  some  useful  legislation  concerning  treason, 
but  of  course  nothing  was  done  in  relation  to  this 
especial  trial,  or  any  individual  engaged  therein. 
Matters  of  greater  consequence  than  the  punish- 
ment of  a ruined  man  demanded  attention. 


CHAPTER  XVn 


PRESIDENT  : SECOND  TERM. EMBARGO 

Angry  clouds  were  rolling  up  thick  and  fast 
from  the  Atlantic  horizon  over  the  benevolent  head 
of  the  most  pacific  of  earthly  rulers.  Jefferson 
seemed  to  make  a modest  and  reasonable  request 
of  the  European  powers  when  he  asked  only  that 
they  would  let  the  United  States  alone.  But  it 
was  a request  which  neither  France  nor  England 
had  any  mind  to  grant.  Napoleon  would  tolerate 
no  neutrality ; Great  Britain  added  to  her  natural 
vindictiveness  towards  her  quondam  colonies  a ra- 
pacious jealousy  of  their  growing  commerce.  Her 
established  purpose  was  to  make  a double  gain  at 
once  by  confiscation  and  extermination,  and  she 
carried  out  this  policy  with  brutal  insolence,  in 
defiance  of  international  law  and  natural  right. 
In  November,  1804,  Jefferson  was  obliged  to  ad- 
mit that  even  in  our  own  harbors  our  vessels  were 
no  longer  safe  from  British  guns.  France,  though 
equally  ready,  was  fortunately  less  able  to  commit 
outrages.  Yet  the  President  hopefully  added : 
“ The  friendly  conduct  of  the  governments,  from 
whose  officers  and  subjects  these  acts  have  pro- 
ceeded, in  other  respects  and  places  more  under 


256 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


their  observation  and  control,  gives  us  confidence 
that  our  representations  on  this  subject  will  have 
been  properly  regarded.”  A vain  hope  ! A year 
passed  and  matters  were  worse  rather  than  better. 
In  the  message  of  December  3,  1805,  Jefferson 
could  say  nothing  more  satisfactory  than  that 

“ our  coasts  have  been  infested  and  our  harbors 
watched  by  private  armed  vessels,  some  of  them  with- 
out commissions,  some  with  illegal  commissions,  others 
with  those  of  legal  form,  but  committing  piratical  acts 
beyond  the  authority  of  their  commissions.  They  have 
captured  in  the  very  entrance  of  our  harbors,  as  well  as 
on  the  high  seas,  not  only  the  vessels  of  our  friends 
coming  to  trade  with  us,  but  our  own  also.  They  have 
carried  them  off  under  pretense  of  legal  adjudication ; 
but  not  daring  to  approach  a court  of  justice,  they  have 
plundered  and  sunk  them  by  the  way,  or  in  obscure 
places  where  no  evidence  could  arise  against  them ; 
maltreated  the  crews  and  abandoned  them  in  boats  in 
the  open  sea  or  on  desert  shores  without  food  or  cover- 
ing.” 

January  17,  1806,  be  was  further  obliged  to 
send  in  a special  message  on  the  same  irritating 
subject,  accompanied  by  the  “ memorials  of  several 
bodies  of  merchants  in  the  United  States.”  In 
the  subsequent  debates  a singular  alliance  was 
struck  between  the  Federalists  from  the  commer- 
cial districts  of  New  England  and  John  Randolph, 
with  his  half  dozen  followers,  — the  “ Quids  ” as 
they  were  called.  That  there  was  no  real  com- 
munity of  interest  between  the  malcontent  planter 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


257 


and  the  Eastern  merchants  may  he  gathered  from 
Randolph’s  bold  declaration  that,  “ if  this  great 
agricultural  nation  is  to  be  governed  by  Salem  and 
Boston,  New  York  and  Philadelphia,  and  Balti- 
more and  Norfolk  and  Charleston,  let  gentlemen 
come  out  and  say  so.”  Nevertheless  the  two 
bodies  made  common  cause  against  the  adminis- 
tration. But  their  strange  coalition  was  of  no 
avail.  The  measure  desired  by  the  President 
was  carried  by  very  handsome  majorities  in  both 
houses.  It  provided  that  after  November  15, 
1806,  certain  articles  should  not  be  imported  from 
the  British  dominions,  nor,  if  of  British  manufac- 
ture, from  any  other  places.  Mr.  Jefferson,  still 
omnipotent,  might  well  say,  “ A majority  of  the 
Senate  means  well,”  and  “ the  House  of  Represent- 
atives is  as  well  disposed  as  I ever  saw  one.”  He 
believed  in  mercantile  pressure,  and  he  was  al- 
lowed to  have  his  way. 

But  his  way  worked  poorly.  Less  than  a month 
after  this  act  was  passed  the  English  warship  Le- 
ander  fired  into  an  American  coaster  near  Sandy 
Hook  and  killed  a man.  The  President  ordered 
the  Leander  out  of  American  waters,  and  directed 
the  arrest  of  her  commander,  which  of  course  could 
not  conveniently  be  made.  Then,  alarmed  at  the 
possible  effect  of  this  very  moderate  display  of 
resentment,  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Monroe,  minister  at 
London,  deprecating  the  anger  of  the  newly  estab- 
lished and  friendly  cabinet  of  Mr.  Fox.  Public 
sentiment,  he  said,  “ did  not  permit  us  to  do  less 


258 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


than  has  been  clone.  It  ought  not  to  he  viewed  by 
the  ministry  as  looking  towards  them  at  all,  but 
merely  as  the  consequences  of  the  measures  of 
their  predecessors,  which  their  nation  has  called 
on  them  to  correct.  I hope,  therefore,  they  will 
come  to  just  arrangements.”  Obviously  Jefferson 
had  forgotten  something  of  what  he  had  once 
learned  concerning  the  British  character,  and  did 
not  divine  the  antidotes  appropriate  to  its  vices. 
It  has  been  often  said  that  if  he  had  refrained 
from  his  prattle  about  peace,  reason,  and  right, 
and  instead  thereof  had  hectored  and  swaggered 
with  a fair  show  of  spirit  at  this  crucial  period, 
the  history  of  the  next  ten  years  might  have  been 
changed  and  the  war  of  1812  might  never  have 
been  fought.  Probably  this  would  not  have  been 
the  case,  and  England  would  have  fought  in  1807, 
1808,  or  1809  as  readily  as  in  1812.  But,  how- 
ever this  may  be,  the  high-tempered  course  was 
the  only  one  of  any  promise  at  all,  and,  had  it  pre- 
cipitated the  war  by  a few  short  years,  at  least  the 
nation  would  have  escaped  a long  and  weary  jour- 
ney through  a mud  slough  of  humiliation.  But  it 
is  idle  to  talk  of  what  might  have  been  had  Jeffer- 
son acted  differently.  He  could  not  act  differently. 
Though  the  people  would  probably  have  backed 
him  in  a warlike  policy,  he  could  not  adopt  it.  A 
great  statesman  amid  political  storms,  he  was  ut- 
terly helpless  when  the  clouds  of  war  gathered. 
He  was  as  miserably  out  of  place  now  as  he  had 
been  in  the  governorship  of  Virginia  during  the 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


259 


Revolution.  He  could  not  bring  himself  to  enter, 
tain  any  measures  looking  to  so  much  as  prepara- 
tion for  serious  conflict.  A navy  remained  still, 
as  it  had  always  been,  his  abhorrence.  His  ex- 
tremest  step  in  that  direction  was  to  build  gun- 
boats. Every  one  has  heard  of  and  nearly  every 
one  has  laughed  at  these  playhouse  flotillas,  which 
were  to  he  kept  in  sheds  out  of  the  sun  and  rain 
until  the  enemy  should  appear,  and  were  then  to 
be  carted  down  to  the  water  and  manned  by  the 
neighbors,  to  encounter,  perhaps,  the  fleets  and 
crews  which  won  the  fight  at  Trafalgar,  shattered 
the  French  navy  at  the  Nile,  and  battered  Copen- 
hagen to  ruins.  It  almost  seemed  as  though  the 
very  harmlessness  of  the  craft  constituted  a recom- 
mendation to  Jefferson.  At  least  they  were  very 
cheap,  and  he  rejoiced  to  reckon  that  nearly  a 
dozen  of  them  could  be  built  for  a hundred  thou- 
sand dollars.  So  he  was  always  advising  to  build 
more,  while  England,  with  all  her  fighting  blood 
up,  inflicted  outrage  after  outrage  upon  a country 
whose  ruler  cherished  such  singular  notions  of 
naval  affairs. 

Yet  Jefferson  could  vapor  a little  at  times  in 
such  a qitiet  private  way  as  involved  no  substantial 
responsibility.  He  gave  vent  occasionally  to  belli- 
cose sentiments  concerning  Spain,  and  at  some 
moments  was  quite  ready  to  fight  her  about  the 
Louisiana  boundaries,  or  for  the  Floridas.  Once 
he  said:  “We  begin  to  broach  the  idea  that  we 
consider  the  whole  Gulf  Stream  as  of  our  waters, 


260 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


in  which  hostilities  and  cruising  are  to  be  frowned 
on  for  the  present,  and  prohibited  so  soon  as  either 
consent  or  force  will  permit  us.  We  shall  never 
permit  another  privateer  to  cruise  within  it,  and 
we  shall  forbid  our  harbors  to  national  cruisers. 
This  is  essential  for  our  tranquillity  and  com- 
merce.” This  grandiloquence  occurs  in  the  very 
letter  in  which  he  admits  that  American  ships  ai’e 
fired  into,  and  American  sailors  are  killed  with 
impunity  at  the  very  mouths  of  American  harbors. 
Surely  never  was  man  more  devoid  of  a sense  of 
humor ! 

Meantime,  though  the  British  were  infesting  the 
Atlantic  seaboard  like  pirates,  Jefferson’s  perfect 
faith  in  his  own  measures  and  the  people’s  equal 
confidence  in  him  were  unshaken.  The  Demo- 
crats continued  to  score  gains  in  the  elections, 
until  the  whole  country  seemed  on  the  point  of 
becoming  solidly  of  that  party.  In  this  state  of 
affairs  the  ninth  Congress  came  together  on  De- 
cember 1,  1806  ; and  on  the  next  day  Jefferson 
sent  in  a message  in  which  he  said : “ The  delays 
...  in  our  negotiations  with  the  British  govern- 
ment appear  to  have  proceeded  from  causes  which 
do  not  forbid  the  expectation  that  during  the 
course  of  the  session  I may  be  enabled  to  lay  be- 
fore you  their  final  issue.”  Nevertheless  a further 
appropriation  for  more  gunboats  was  recommended, 
as  matter  of  course.  They  were  fully  as  good  for 
peace  as  for  war  ! 

A noteworthy  passage  in  this  message,  though 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


261 


an  episode  in  the  present  narrative,  deserves  a 
word.  It  appeared  likely  that  there  would  soon 
be  a surplus  of  income  over  expenditures,  and  the 
President  said  that  the  use  to  be  made  of  that 
surplus  demanded  consideration. 

“ Shall  we  suppress  the  impost  and  give  that  advan- 
tage to  foreign  over  domestic  manufactures  ? On  a few 
articles  of  more  general  and  necessary  use  the  suppres- 
sion in  due  season  will  doubtless  be  right,  but  the  great 
mass  of  the  articles  on  which  impost  is  paid  is  foreign 
luxuries,  purchased  by  those  only  who  are  rich  enough 
to  afford  themselves  the  use  of  them.  Their  patriotism 
would  certainly  prefer  its  continuance  and  application 
to  the  great  purposes  of  the  public  education,  roads, 
rivers,  canals,  and  such  other  objects  of  public  improve- 
ment as  it  may  be  thought  proper  to  add  to  the  constitu- 
tional enumeration  of  federal  powers.” 

Here  was  a somersault  indeed,  which  might  well 
confound  those  who  remembered  how  Republi- 
cans had  always  denounced  the  theory  of  internal 
improvements.  It  helped  the  inconsistency  not  at 
all  that  Jefferson  admitted  the  necessity  of  a con- 
stitutional amendment  in  order  to  render  lawful 
the  expenditures  which  he  contemplated.  For  his 
party  had  maintained  not  only  that  such  projects 
were,  but  also  that  they  ought  to  be,  unconstitu- 
tional. Yet  now  Jefferson,  who  had  preached  that 
the  Union  was  and  ought  to  remain  a league  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  foreign  relationships,  that  the 
States  were  and  ought  to  remain  supreme  and  in- 
dependent governments  in  respect  of  all  internal 


262 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


and  domestic  affairs,  — Jefferson  was  actually 
urging  this  doctrine  of  internal  improvements,  on 
the  very  alleged  ground  that  it  would  unify,  nation- 
alize, centralize  the  people  and  the  government ! 
“ By  these  operations,”  he  said,  “ new  channels  of 
communication  will  be  opened  between  th&  States ; 
the  lines  of  separation  will  disappear ; their  in- 
terests will  be  identified ; and  their  union  cemented 
by  new  and  indissoluble  ties.”  Hamilton  would 
have  had  some  entertaining  comments  for  this  ex- 
traordinary politico-economical  conversion  to  his 
principles. 

To  return  to  foreign  affairs  : on  December  3, 
1806,  the  President  sent  in  a special  message 
advising  the  “ further  suspension  ” of  the  Non- 
importation Act,  which  had  not  yet  been  put  in 
force.  His  motive  was  that  Mr.  Fox  had  become 
prime  minister,  and  was  supposed  to  cherish 
friendly  sentiments  towards  the  United  States. 
The  obedient  majority  did  his  bidding,  encounter- 
ing only  a trifling  opposition  from  the  Federalists. 
February  19,  1807,  the  President  announced  that 
Monroe  and  Pinkney  had  at  last  succeeded  in 
coming  to  terms  with  Great  Britain,  though  un- 
fortunately the  pleasure  of  the  news  was  seriously 
dashed  by  rumors  that  impressment  was  not  dis- 
posed of.  Within  a few  days  this  disappointment 
was  made  certain  by  the  receipt  of  the  treaty, 
showing  that  the  negotiators  had  followed  the 
example  of  Mr.  Jay  in  taking  the  best  they  could 
get  rather  than  nothing.  But  this  best  seemed  to 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


263 


Jefferson  so  bad  that  he  would  not  for  a moment 
consider  it.  Loath  to  fight  for  the  national  rights, 
at  least  he  would  not  compromise  them  even  by 
remote  inference.  In  negotiation  he  had  infinite 
courage  and  obstinacy.  Accordingly,  without  com- 
municating the  treaty  to  the  Senate,  though  that 
body  was  then  in  session,  he  at  once  returned  it  to 
Monroe,  stating  that  it  would  not  do  at  all,  and  that 
negotiations  should  be  resumed  for  a widely  dif- 
ferent conclusion.  No  one  could  find  fault  with 
his  opinion  concerning  the  treaty,  but  the  Federal- 
ists assailed  the  manner  of  the  rejection  as  high- 
handed and  autocratic.  It  had  this  character 
rather  in  appearance  than  in  substance  ; yet  such 
an  act  done  by  John  Adams  would  not  have  es- 
caped Jefferson’s  bitter  animadversion. 

Though  Jefferson  sent  back  the  treaty,  he  took 
care,  at  the  same  time,  to  manifest  his  still  pacific 
temper  by  exercising  the  discretionary  power  which 
Congress  had  vested  in  him  further  to  suspend  the 
Non-Importation  Act.  Unfortunately  a Christian 
and  commercial  disposition  was  hopelessly  out  of 
tune  with  the  times.  The  English  policy  was  sim- 
ple : since  the  Americans  would  not  fight,  they 
were  the  easier  objects  of  plunder.  The  French 
principle  was  responsive : since  the  Americans  are 
to  be  robbed,  we  must  share  in  the  booty.  So 
from  time  to  time  came  British  Orders  in  Council, 
and  retaliatory  French  decrees  dated  by  the  victo- 
rious Bonaparte  from  the  conquered  capitals,  Ber- 
lin and  Milan.  The  ultimate  result  of  all  these 


264 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


taken  together  was,  that  substantially  nothing  but 
their  own  coasting  trade  was  left  open  to  Ameri- 
can vessels.  One  half  the  mercantile  world  was 
sealed  up  by  the  British,  the  other  half  by  the 
French.  Ships  not  complying  with  certain  regula- 
tions wei’e  liable  to  capture  by  English  cruisers  ; 
ships  complying  with  those  regulations  were  sub- 
ject to  seizure  by  French  vessels  ; and  vice  versa. 
Nor  could  even  the  trade  betwixt  their  own  ports 
be  carried  on  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
with  safety,  for  British  vessels  prowled  even  in 
our  home  waters  in  search  of  seamen,  and  in  a few 
years  carried  off  thousands  of  victims.  Their  au- 
dacity was  even  such  that  in  June,  1807,  the  Eng- 
lish warship  Leopard  actually  fired  a broadside 
into  the  American  frigate  Chesapeake,  just  outside 
Hampton  Roads,  killing  and  wounding  several 
men.  The  Chesapeake,  not  prepared  for  action, 
struck  her  colors ; the  British  commander  boarded 
her  and  carried  off  four  sailors,  American  citizens, 
three  of  them  at  least  being  native  born.  One  of 
them  was  forthwith  hanged  at  Halifax. 

The  news  of  this  outrage  threw  the  nation  into 
a great  rage.  “ Never,”  said  Jefferson,  “ since  the 
battle  of  Lexington,  have  I seen  this  country  in 
such  a state  of  exasperation  as  at  present.”  Some 
among  the  extreme  Federalists  of  the  New  Eng- 
land States,  terrified  at  the  prospect  of  hostilities 
with  England,  justified  the  English  commander ; 
but  most  of  the  party  were  too  high-spirited  for 
such  conduct,  and  joined  in  the  indignant  outcry 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


265 


of  the  Republicans.  “ The  Federalists  themselves 
coalesce  with  us  as  to  the  object,  although  they 
will  return  to  their  old  trade  of  condemning  every 
step  we  take  towards  obtaining  it,”  said  Jefferson. 
He  himself  was  deeply  incensed,  but  acknowledged 
the  obligation  to  take  no  irrevocable  step  in  the 
heat  of  passion.  “ Duty,”  he  considered,  “ re- 
quires that  we  do  no  act  which  shall  commit  Con- 
gress in  their  choice  between  war,  non-intercourse, 
and  other  measures.”  But  he  at  once  dispatched 
a vessel  to  England  to  demand  reparation,  and 
summoned  Congress  to  meet  in  special  session  on 
October  26,  by  which  time  he  hoped  to  have  a 
reply.  “ Reason,”  he  said,  “ and  the  usage  of 
civilized  nations  require  that  we  should  give  them 
an  opportunity  of  disavowal  and  reparation.  Our 
own  interest,  too,  the  very  means  of  making  war, 
requires  that  we  should  give  time  to  our  merchants 
to  gather  in  their  vessels  and  property  and  our 
seamen  now  afloat.”  It  is  plain  that  at  this  time 
he  anticipated  war.  He  declared  that  he  was 
making  “ every  preparation  ” for  it  “ which  is 
within  our  power,”  and  possibly  he  really  thought 
that  he  was  getting  the  country  into  warlike  shape. 
But  he  was  pitifully  mistaken.  He  only  got  out 
some  gunboats,  did  some  trifling  work  on  harbor 
fortifications,  and  gathered  a small  amount  of 
supplies.  Congress  afterward  made  some  petty 
appropriations  to  pay  for  these  things. 

On  October  26,  1807,  Congress  came  together. 
In  both  houses  a majority,  even  more  overwhelm* 


266 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ing  than  ever  before,  consisted  of  administration- 
ists,  a term  quite  as  properly  to  be  used  in  de- 
scribing them  as  either  Republicans  or  Democrats, 
for  they  were  thoroughly  subject  to  the  personal 
influence  of  Jefferson.  It  was  evident  that  what- 
ever measures  he  should  recommend  would  be 
promptly  carried.  Yet  he  was  content  in  his  mes- 
sage only  to  communicate  the  state  of  affairs, 
which  was  already  well  known,  and  to  let  the  de- 
velopment of  his  policy  await  the  English  reply 
concerning  the  Chesapeake  outrage.  This  reply 
did  not  arrive  until  the  second  week  in  December, 
and  then  it  was  only  learned  that  England  would 
send  a special  envoy  about  the  matter. 

A few  days  later,  on  December  18,  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son sent  in  a brief  but  momentous  message.  The 
communications  accompanying  it,  he  said,  would 
show  “ the  great  and  increasing  dangers  with 
which  our  vessels,  our  seamen,  and  merchandise 
are  threatened  on  the  high  seas  and  elsewhere 
from  the  belligerent  powers  of  Europe  ; and  it 
being  of  great  importance  to  keep  in  safety  these 
essential  resources,  I deem  it  my  duty  to  recom- 
mend the  subject  to  the  consideration  of  Congress, 
who  will  doubtless  perceive  all  the  advantages 
which  may  be  expected  from  an  inhibition  of  the 
departure  of  our  vessels  from  the  ports  of  the 
United  States.”  It  was  afterwards  made  a serious 
question  whether  or  not,  at  the  time  of  sending 
this  message,  the  President  had  information  of  the 
British  Orders  in  Council  dated  November  11, 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


267 


held  back  from  formal  issuance  until  November 
17,  declaring  a “ paper  blockade  ” of  all  the  ports 
of  France  and  her  allies.  The  English  ministry 
and  their  friends,  the  American  Federalists,  always 
maintained  that  Jefferson  had  no  proper  knowledge 
of  these  Orders,  and  that  his  recommendation  of 
an  embargo  was  a premature  and  unjustifiable  act 
of  unfriendliness.  The  administrationists  retorted 
that  Jefferson  had  the  intelligence,  though  not  in 
official  form.  Keally  the  point,  if  it  could  be 
made  good,  deserved  to  be  disi’egarded,  and  could 
have  been  preferred  only  by  the  immeasurable 
insolence  of  Mr.  Canning.  The  communication 
would  have  been  formally  made  if  England  had 
not  behaved  with  shameful  disingenuousness.  She 
pretended  to  send  Mr.  Hose  as  a special  emissary 
in  the  Chesapeake  affair,  but,  besides  hampering 
him  with  such  preposterous  conditions  that  he 
could  only  disclose  them  and  sail  home  again,  she 
also  held  back  these  Orders  in  Council  until  liter- 
ally a few  hours  after  his  departure  from  London. 
The  honorable  motive  was  that  the  United  States 
might  receive  and  treat  with  him  in  ignorance  of 
them.  It  hardly  became  a minister,  guilty  of  such 
sharp  practice,  to  complain  that  Mr.  Jefferson  had 
been  a little  too  ready  with  a demonstration  of 
unfriendliness. 

So  now  at  last  the  presidential  policy  was  an- 
nounced, — not  war,  but  commercial  pressure,  an 
embargo.  The  history  of  the  brief  remnant  of 
Mr.  Jefferson’s  administration  is  little  else  than  a 


268 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


narrative  of  Federalist  attacks  on  this  measure, 
and  its  defense  by  the  administrationists.  At  first 
it  was  surprisingly  popular.  In  the  Senate  John 
Quincy  Adams  not  only  deserted  his  party  in  order 
to  vote  for  it,  hut  said : “ The  President  has  recom- 
mended this  measure  on  his  high  responsibility. 

I would  not  consider,  I would  not  deliberate,  I 
would  act.  Doubtless  the  President  possesses  such 
further  information  as  will  justify  the  measure.” 
The  senators  accepted  this  reason  and  this  sugges- 
tion. Jefferson  advised;  deliberation  was  super- 
fluous. In  a session  of  only  four  hours,  behind 
closed  doors,  under  a suspension  of  the  rules,  the 
bill  was  passed  on  the  same  day  on  which  the 
message  was  received.  In  the  House  the  Federal- 
ists kept  up  a debate  for  three  days,  but  also  with 
closed  doors.  Except  for  this  brief  delay  they  were 
powerless,  and  the  bill  was  carried  by  82  to  44. 
The  vote,  however,  showed  that  some  few  Republi- 
cans had  for  once  gone  over  to  the  Federalists  and 
the  “ Quids.” 

It  has  been  pretty  generally  agreed  in  subse- 
quent times  that  the  embargo  was  a blunder.  Cer- 
tainly the  world  has  outgrown  such  measures,  just 
as  it  has  outgrown  Jefferson’s  amphibious  gun- 
boats. It  is  hard  to  realize  that  only  three  quarters 
of  a century  ago  neither  of  these  ideas,  more  espe-  i! 
cially  that  of  the  embargo,  had  become  discredited. 
On  the  contrary,  in  1807-8  an  embargo  was  a 
reputable  measure  of  statecraft,  supposed  to  be 
efficient  both  defensively  and  offensively.  In  the 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


269 


United  States  especially  the  people  had  been  wont 
for  more  than  a generation  to  regard  it  with 
peculiar  favor.  So  now  the  policy  was  hailed  with 
approbation  by  an  overwhelming  majority.  Some 
Federalist  newspapers  had  cried  out  for  it ; and 
even  many  of  the  most  influential  merchants  were 
strongly  in  favor  of  it,  though  possibly  from  the 
interested  motive  of  wearing  out  their  poorer  com- 
petitors. Moreover,  it  was  supposed  by  all  that 
this  embargo,  like  earlier  ones,  would  be  of  reason- 
ably short  duration ; and  though  the  Federalists 
called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  present  act, 
unlike  its  predecessors,  did  not  establish  any  limit 
of  time,  yet  few  persons  honestly  feared  that  this 
omission  had  any  dangerous  significance. 

Jefferson  argued  very  fairly  that  we  should  save 
the  property  of  our  citizens,  and  the  persons  of  our 
sailors,  by  keeping  our  ships  in  our  own  harbors, 
whereas  on  the  high  seas  both  merchandise  and 
men  would  be  stolen.  The  device  did  not  seem  to 
him  ignoble.  Moreover,  since  commerce  was  to 
be  forbidden  in  foreign  no  less  than  in  domestic 
bottoms,  he  was  able  to  depict  great  numbers  of 
British  merchants  suffering  loss  and  ruin,  and 
throngs  of  British  artificers  reduced  to  starvation 
by  the  consequent  curtailment  of  industry.  Eng- 
lish laborers,  he  said,  could  not,  like  Americans, 
readily  adopt  new  occupations ; neither  had  they 
that  surplus  of  food  which  our  farmers  enjoyed. 
He  spoke  as  if  all  Americans  were  farmers,  and 
gave  no  thought  to  the  great  seaboard  population 


270 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


wholly  dependent  upon  trade.  If  they  were  to  be 
hurt,  he  at  least  expected  them  to  be  kept  silent 
by  patriotism,  while  he  anticipated  that  the  clamors 
of  the  English  malcontents  would  overawe  Parlia- 
ment and  the  administration.  A certain  amount 
of  sound  reason  which  really  lay  in  these  argu- 
ments, backed  by  the  confident  assent  of  a vast 
majority  of  the  nation,  and  soon  corroborated  by 
cheering  accounts  from  Mr.  Pinkney  concerning 
the  effect  of  the  pressure  in  England,  constituted 
perhaps  a justification  for  Mr.  Jefferson  in  the 
outset.  But  in  order  to  make  this  justification 
complete  two  things  were  necessary,  both  obviously 
implied  in  the  reasoning  of  the  administrationists. 
First : so  far  as  the  embargo  was  a domestic  mea- 
sure, i.  e.  designed  to  save  our  ships  and  sailors, 
it  should  obviously  be  accompanied  by  vigorous 
preparations  for  war,  since  it  was  absurd  to  regard 
an  embargo  as  a pei'manently  saving  device ; be- 
fore long  it  would  constitute  destruction  ; it  could 
only  be  used  to  save  until  the  other  means  to  that 
end  customary  among  nations  could  be  resorted  to. 
Secondly : so  far  as  the  embargo  had  a foreign 
aspect,  i.  e.  was  designed  to  influence  British  legis- 
lation, it  was  properly  experimental  only,  and,  so 
soon  as  the  working  of  the  experiment  cleai’ly  pro- 
mised failure,  it  should  have  been  abandoned. 

Now  in  point  of  fact  it  was  impossible  long  to 
defend  the  measure  in  the  former  of  these  two  as- 
pects, because  the  lapse  of  time  showed  no  serious 
purpose  to  protect  by  sufficient  forcq^the  men  and 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


271 


property  subjected  to  the  embargo.  To  save  them 
■ by  shutting  them  up,  until  preparation  could  be 
made  to  protect  them  when  abroad,  was  therefore 
clearly  not  the  government  policy.  Hence  the 
measure,  if  it  was  to  be  defended  at  all  after  the 
passing  of  a few  months,  must  be  defended  in  its 
i second  or  foreign  character.  But  here,  unfortu- 
nately, it  was  utterly  and  hopelessly  indefensible, 
i The  clamor  had  been  raised,  and  the  British  gov- 
i eminent  had  turned  a deaf  ear  to  it,  for  reasons 
altogether  too  attractive  to  be  readily  rejected. 
The  merchants  who  were  injured  by  the  cessation 
of  the  American  trade  would  probably  suffer  only 
temporarily  ; at  any  rate  they  were  only  individ- 
ual victims  of  a great  national  policy,  destined  to 
work  an  immense  and  lasting  benefit  to  the  entire 
shipping  and  mercantile  interests  of  their  country. 
It  was  the  established  aim  of  the  English  govern- 
ment to  annihilate  American  commerce,  which  al- 
ready threatened  a dangerous  rivalry  with  their 
own.  In  ministerial  eyes  the  embargo  was  a wel- 
come and  efficient  aid,  blindly  furnished  by  their 
competitor  against  itself.  Jefferson  ought  to  have 
understood  this,  and  appreciated  that  England 
could  play  at  his  game  longer  and  with  much  more 
profit  than  the  United  States.  For  while  in  Eng- 
land a few  suffered,  in  the  United  States  the 
whole  vast  industries  of  shipping  and  commerce 
were  subjected  to  a process  of  starvation  which  in 
time  would  result  in  utter  destruction.  The  longer 
the  United  States  endured,  the  more  they  advanced 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


tlie  English  scheme.  That  scheme  was  a perma- 
nent policy,  whereas  the  United  States  were  seek- 
ing only  an  immediate,  specific  object,  namely,  a 
recognition  of  their  rights  without  enforcement  by 
war.  Failing  in  this,  as  ultimately  they  did  fail 
in  it.  thev  were  wholly  losers.  Eyen  succeeding 
in  it.  they  would  sustain  a serious  injury,  because 
they  would  return  much  weakened  to  a sharp  com- 
petition. On  the  other  hand,  in  any  possible  eyeut 
the  English  must  gain  considerably : for  every 
set-back  encountered  by  American  commerce  was 
a positive  advancement  of  English  commerce. 

It  may  be  further  remarked  that  if  the  embargo 
accomplished  nothing  as  against  England,  neither 
did  it  do  better  as  against  France.  That  country, 
herself  little  hurt  by  the  embargo,  was  satisfied 
to  have  it  continue  in  force : for  the  permanent 
commercial  ambition  of  England  disturbed  Napo- 
leon very  little.  He  was  content  to  see  that  for 
the  immediate  present  his  foe  was  cut  ofi:  from 
supplies,  and  subjected  to  a partial  impoverish- 
ment. 

Unfortunately  the  English  policy  was  by  no 
means  intrinsically  devoid  of  shrewdness  or  effi- 
ciency. The  discouragement  which  American  mer- 
chants endured  for  many  years  prior  to  the  war  of 
1S1A  followed  by  the  dangers  and  losses  encoun- 
tered during  that  war.  constituted  the  first  and 
powerful  influence  operating  to  destroy  American 
commerce.  Had  the  mercantile  and  shipping  in- 
terests not  been  weakened  by  the  prolonged  emaci- 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


273 


ation  inflicted  by  the  home  government,  they  might 
have  remained  sufficiently  powerful  to  keep  within 
reasonable  limits  that  ill-advised  legislation  which 
has  since  completed  the  destruction  initiated  by 
Jefferson’s  measures.  Unintentionally  he,  who 
many  years  before  had  expressed  his  antipathy  to 
commerce,  now  did  it  an  injury  from  w'hich  it 
never  recovered.  But  it  was  through  sheer  igno- 
ranee,  not  in  malice. 

As  J efferson  did  not  see  that  he  was  serving  the 
merchants  very  ill,  so  he  would  not  admit  that  he 
was  being  false  to  his  own  principles.  The  Feder- 
alists said  that  no  such  example  of  " strong  gov- 
ernment ” had  ever  been  seen  while  they  were  in 
power.  Their  embargoes  had  been  brief  and  sim- 
ple affairs  in  comparison  with  this  unlimited  and 
monstrous  one.  But  they  were  talking  of  what 
was  really  matter  of  discretion  rather  than  of  prin- 
ciple : for  if  an  embargo  was  a lawful  measure,  its 
duration  in  any  especial  case  was  to  be  determined 
by  a judgment  upon  the  exigencies  of  that  case. 
The  argument  that,  because  the  act  creating  this 
embargo  did  not  specify  its  length,  therefore  it  did 
not  “ regulate  ” but  destroyed  commerce,  and  was 
unconstitutional,  was  very  properly  overruled  by 
the  Supreme  Court.  But  Jefferson  was  not  true 
to  his  principles,  because,  of  his  two  reasons,  one 
at  least  was  thoroughly  undemocratic.  The  en- 
deavor to  take,  care  of  the  property  and  persons  of 
American  citizens  by  shutting  them  up,  as  it  were, 
within  doors,  was  the  extremity  of  paternal  govern* 


274 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


ment.  It  might  have  borne  a different  character 
had  it  been  a war  measure,  but  within  a very  short 
time  every  one  knew  that 'it  was  not  a war  mea- 
sure, but  simply  an  act  of  paternity.  Jefferson 
constantly  spoke  of  it  in  this  light.  As  such  it 
was  not  only  undemocratic,  but  eminently  foolish. 
Jefferson  might  wisely  have  left  to  the  merchants 
the  care  both  of  their  profits  and  of  their  princi- 
pal. They  were  not  a stupid  or  a helpless  class, 
and  they  understood  their  business  far  better  than 
he  did.  This  argument  was  advanced  by  Quincy 
of  Massachusetts  ; it  could  not  be  answered,  but  it 
was  disregarded. 

Thus  it  appears  that  when,  through  Jefferson’s 
influence,  the  embargo  was  imposed,  it  was  not  to 
be  regarded  as  absolutely  a sound  and  wise  mea- 
sure. It  required  to  be  vindicated  either  by  the 
doing  of  certain  things  in  the  United  States,  or 
the  occurrence  of  certain  events  in  England.  Af- 
ter a reasonable  time  those  things  had  not  been 
done  at  home,  and  those  events  had  not  taken  place 
abroad.  For  the  latter,  Jefferson  was  not  respon- 
sible ; for  the  former,  he  was.  For  he  had  but  to 
say  the  word  to  Congress  and  he  would  have  been 
strictly  obeyed.  He  was  so  supreme  and  so  well 
known  to  be  a strong  advocate  of  peace,  that  had 
he  asserted  the  necessity  of  creating  a navy  and 
building  fortifications,  or  even  beginning  hostili- 
ties, these  steps  would  have  been  taken  at  once. 

Jefferson’s  biographers  narrate  with  pleasure  the 
support,  at  first  enthusiastic  and  afterward  patient, 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


275 


which  Congress  and  the  people  yielded  to  the  em- 
bargo policy,  as  if  this  constituted  his  justification. 
But  the  argument  is  unsatisfactory.  It  was  Jeffer- 
son's function  to  be  wiser  than  the  people,  to  guide 
and  instruct  them ; or  at  least  he  assumed  this 
duty.  Congress  and  the  nation  persevered  in  the 
embargo  for  the  same  reason  that  they  had  enacted 
and  applauded  it  in  the  first  instance ; and  that 
reason  had  been  forcibly  and  clearly  expressed  in 
Mr.  Adams’s  statement  that  his  reliance  was  upon 
the  “ President’s  responsibility.”  Such  also  was 
the  reliance  of  the  embargo  majorities  in  and  out 
of  Congress.  Jefferson  at  first  invited  and  after- 
ward encouraged  this  faith.  It  was  not  until  after 
the  miscarriage  and  unpopularity  of  the  measure 
had  become  unquestionable  that  he  began  to  find 
his  “ responsibility  ” irksome,  and  to  seek  to  shift 
it  from  his  wearied  shoulders.  One  thing,  how- 
ever, it  is  fair  to  say : when  an  administration 
blunders  it  usually  receives  sound  instruction  from 
the  opposition;  Jefferson  did  not.  The  Federal- 
ists were  even  blinder  than  the  administrationists. 
They  showed  their  ignorance  of  the  true  bearing 
of  the  embargo  by  their  criticisms  upon  it.  Their 
horizon  also  was  bounded  by  the  immediate  injury 
to  Great  Britain,  and  they  stigmatized  the  mea- 
sure as  a “ sly  and  cunning  ” endeavor  to  render 
surreptitious  aid  to  France.  They  were  even  more 
opposed  to  warlike  measures  than  were  the  Demo- 
crats, and  had  no  better  advice  to  give  than  an 
ignominious  submission  to  all  English  demands.  . 


276 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


The  embargo  message,  it  will  be  remembered, 
was  sent  in  to  Congress  on  December  18,  1807. 
On  March  23,  1808,  Jefferson  wrote  to  Levi 
Lincoln  of  Massachusetts,  that  “ it  appears  to  be 
approved,  even  by  the  Federalists  of  every  quarter 
except  yours.  The  alternative  was  between  that 
and  war,  and  in  fact  it  is  the  last  card  we  have  to 
play  short  of  war.”  By  June  23,  1808,  he  wrote : 
“ The  day  is  not  distant  when  that  [war]  will  be 
preferable  to  a longer  continuance  of  the  em- 
bargo.” By  August  9 we  get  glimpses  of  serious 
popular  discontent.  On  that  day  the  President 
writes  to  the  secretary  of  war,  in  language  wonder- 
fully different  from  that  which  he  had  held  at 
the  time  of  the  whiskey  insurrection,  and  with  a 
spirit  that  would  have  been  better  displayed  to- 
wards trans-Atlantic  enemies  than  towards  suffer- 
ing American  citizens  : — 

“ The  Tories  of  Boston  openly  threaten  insurrection 
if  their  importation  of  flour  is  stopped.  The  next  post 
will  stop  it.  I fear  your  governor  is  not  up  to  the  tone 
of  these  parricides,  and  I hope,  on  the  first  symptom 
of  an  open  opposition  of  the  law  by  force,  you  will  fly  to 
the  scene  and  aid  in  suppressing  any  commotion.” 

Jefferson  was  neither  awed  nor  instructed  by 
the  loud  grumbling  in  New  England.  The  day 
which  in  March  he  had  described  as  “ not  distant  ” 
gave  little  promise  of  drawing  nearer.  To  the  ma- 
rine interest  it  seemed  to  be  mysteriously  estab- 
lished in  a perpetual  offing ; it  became  in  time  as 
exasperating  as  a mirage. 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


277 


By  September,  1808,  Jefferson  bad  become  hope- 
less of  affecting  the  policy  of  England  by  longer 
persistence  in  the  embargo.  Mr.  Pinkney,  be  said, 
inferred  from  a conversation  with  Canning  that 
the  Orders  might  be  repealed : “ but  I have  little 
faith  in  diplomatic  inferences  and  less  in  Canning’s 
good  faith.”  Still  the  time  glided  on  until  Con- 
gress met  on  November  7.  The  whole  country 
waited  anxiously  to  hear  what  Jefferson  would  say 
;o  that  body ; would  he  declare  that  “ not  distant  ” 
day  to  be  at  length  near  at  hand  ? would  the  dis- 
appointment abroad,  the  discontent  at  home,  and 
later  the  loss  by  his  party  of  all  the  New  England 
States  save  one  at  the  presidential  election,  have 
any  weight  with  him  ? His  message  was  non-com- 
mittal. He  stated  that  he  had  intimated  to  Eng- 
land that  a withdrawal  of  her  Orders  in  Council 
would  be  met  by  a suspension  of  the  embargo  as 
to  her,  whatever  might  be  the  action  of  France ; 
but  he  admitted  that  the  English  cabinet  had  paid 
no  attention  to  this  communication.  In  a word, 
he  acknowledged  that  his  “ candid  and  liberal  ex- 
periment ” had  “ failed,”  and  said  that  now  it  must 
“ rest  with  the  wisdom  of  Congress  to  decide  on 
the  course  best  adapted  ” to  the  existing  state  of  af- 
fairs. Apparently  he  meant  to  give  no  more  advice 
and  to  take  no  more  responsibility.  He  plumed 
himself  a little  because  the  embargo  had  “ demon- 
strated to  foreign  nations  the  moderation  and  firm- 
ness which  govern  our  councils.”  But  he  did  not 
add  that  Great  Britain  had  watched  with  exas* 


278 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


perating  complacency  this  patient  endurance  with 
which  the  United  States  had  suffered  for  her  bene- 
fit. Neither  did  he  mention  that  when  our  minister 
had  made  to  Mr.  Canning  the  offer  to  repeal  the 
embargo  if  England  would  repeal  the  Orders,  that 
sarcastic  gentleman  had  replied  that  he  should  like 
to  help  the  Americans  to  get  rid  of  the  restrictions 
which  they  found  so  very  “ inconvenient,”  though 
he  really  could  not  go  so  far  as  to  withdraw  his 
Orders  for  that  purpose.  Bonaparte  also,  with 
practical  irony,  had  issued  a decree  for  the  seizure 
of  all  American  ships  found  afloat,  out  of  friend- 
ship, he  said,  to  the  United  States,  to  aid  them  in 
preventing  the  escape  of  their  vessels  in  contraven- 
tion of  their  law.  Jefferson,  having  no  humor  in 
his  composition,  did  not  amuse  Congress  by  repeat- 
ing these  remarks. 

By  refraining  from  uttering  a word  pointing 
towards  war,  Jefferson  made  it  plain  enough  that 
he  did  not  desire  it.  The  embargo,  from  being  a 
temporary  measure,  was  beginning  to  be  embraced 
by  him  as  a policy  of  indefinite  duration.  The 
result  was  a surprising  indication  of  his  almost 
despotic  supremacy.  An  enormous  majority  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  adopted  a series  of  reso- 
lutions indorsing  the  continuance  of  the  embargo. 
In  the  Senate  a direct  resolution  to  repeal  it  re- 
ceived only  six  yeas  against  twenty-five  nays ; and 
on  December  21  that  body  passed  a very  strong  en- 
forcing bill.  But  it  was  not  long  before  the  Presi- 
dent and  administrationists  got  alarming  evidence 


PRESIDENT : SECOND  TERM 


279 


of  their  folly.  The  Massachusetts  legislature  con- 
demned the  enforcing  bill  as  “ unjust,  oppressive, 
and  unconstitutional,  and  not  legally  binding.” 
Governor  Trumbull  of  Connecticut  refused  to  com- 
ply with  the  President's  requisition  for  militia 
under  the  new  act,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  a mes- 
sage breathing  the  spirit  of  nullification.  That 
body,  in  response,  passed  resolutions  similar  to  those 
of  Massachusetts.  Evasions  of  the  law  were  coun- 
tenanced by  public  opinion,  and  convictions  could 
not  be  had  before  juries.  Many  influential  Feder- 
alists began  to  accustom  their  minds  to  the  idea,  of 
secession,  if  not  actually  to  form  definite  plans  for 
it.  Of  this  menacing  temper  Jefferson  received 
information.  Whether  or  not  it  frightened  him 
is  doubtful.  His  conduct  henceforth  becomes  so 
wavering  that  his  true  sentiments  cannot  be  accu- 
rately ascertained.  In  November,  1808,  he  did  not 
desire  a repeal.  On  January  14,  1809,  he  said 
that  the  objects  which  the  embargo  was  originally 
designed  to  subserve  were  nearly  attained,  so  that 
the  measure  was  “now  near  its  term.”  A few 
days  afterward  a bill  was  passed  for  an  extra  ses- 
sion of  Congress  in  May  next,  with  the  design  of 
repealing  the  embargo  on  June  1,  and  “ then  resum- 
ing and  maintaining  by  force  our  right  of  naviga- 
tion.” This  apparently  ought  to  have  pleased  Jef- 
ferson, if  he  clung  to  his  opinion  of  January  14  ; 
but  it  did  not.  He  still  hugged  the  vision  of  peace 
with  painful  tenacity,  and  treated  the  policy  of 
hostility  as  men  treat  old-age,  pushing  it  always  a 


280 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


little  in  advance  of  the  present  clay.  He  moaned 
somewhat,  because  the  exceptional  “ situation  of 
the  world,”  such  as  he  declared  never  had  been 
before  and  probably  never  would  be  again,  had 
defeated  his  fair  policy.  “ If  we  go  to  war  now,” 
he  complained,  “ I fear  we  may  renounce  forever 
the  hope  of  seeing  an  end  of  our  national  debt. 
If  we  can  keep  at  peace  eight  years  longer,  our 
income,  liberated  from  debt,  will  be  adequate  to 
any  war,  without  new  taxes  or  loans,  and  our  posi- 
tion and  increasing  strength  will  put  us  hors  cVin- 
sulte  from  any  nation.”  Yet  it  was  his  friend  and 
the  leader  of  the  administrationists  in  the  House, 
Nicholas  of  Virginia,  who,  on  January  25,  intro- 
duced resolutions  contemplating  a repeal  of  the 
embargo  on  June  1.  An  eager  debate  upon  these 
resulted  in  a breaking  up  and  reorganizing  of 
parties  and  cliques  which  was  quite  kaleidoscopic. 
The  date  was  finally  set  at  March  4.  This  vote 
was  regarded  as  a defeat  of  the  administration,  but 
only  in  so  far  as  it  made  the  date  of  repeal  earlier 
than  the  contemplated  date  of  May  1 by  nearly 
three  months,  — not  a serious  period.  Yet  eighteen 
months  later,  partly  probably  in  reference  to  this 
vote,  and  partly  to  subsequent  votes  of  a like  tenor, 
Jefferson  wrote  : “ The  Federalists  during  their 
short-lived  ascendency  have  nevertheless,  by  forcing 
from  us  the  repeal  of  the  embargo,  inflicted  a 
wound  on  our  interests  which  can  never  be  cured.” 
It  looks  very  much  as  though  the  President  did 
not  know  his  own  mind;  if  he  did,  certainly  he 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


281 


succeeded  in  preventing  posterity  from  finding  it 
out.  The  truth  is  that  he  knew  his  policy  to  have 
failed,  yet  could  not  abandon  it.  He  seems  to 
have  been  bitterly  disappointed,  and  a little  fright- 
ened. He  was  pained  to  see  his  party  defeated, 
but  his  chief  anxiety  was  becoming  personal,  cen- 
tring in  the  desire  to  escape  from  his  embarrassing 
position.  He  had  not  longed  more  to  get  out  of 
the  governorship  of  Virginia  than  he  now  longed 
to  get  out  of  the  presidency.  At  times  he  resolved 
not  to  try  to  make  up  his  mind,  not  to  do  or  advise 
anything.  Even  in  December,  1808,  he  said : “ I 
have  thought  it  right  to  take  no  part  myself  in 
proposing  measures,  the  execution  of  which  will 
devolve  on  my  successor.  I am,  therefore,  chiefly 
an  unmeddling  listener  to  what  others  say.”  In 
other  words,  he  renounced  the  duty  of  governing 
the  country  for  nearly  three  months  before  he  was 
lawfully  relieved  from  it.  Toward  the  close  of 
January  he  reiterated,  “ I am  now  so  near  retiring 
that  I take  no  part  in  affairs  beyond  the  expression 
of  an  opinion.  I think  it  fair  that  my  successor 
should  now  originate  those  measures,  of  which  he 
will  be  charged  with  the  execution  and  responsi- 
bility. . . . Five  weeks  more  will  relieve  me  from 
a drudgery  to  which  I am  no  longer  equal.” 

These  protestations  may  be  believed.  Jefferson 
appears  in  no  degree  responsible  for  the  subse- 
quent action  of  Congress  in  curtailing  the  duration 
of  that  measure  which  had  originally  been  his  own. 
On  March  4, 1809,  he  was  probably  almost  as  glad 


282 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


to  leave  the  presidency  as  eight  years  before  he  had 
been  to  enter  it.  He  was  released  from  disappoint- 
ment, from  failure,,  and  from  imminent  humilia- 
tion. During  the  closing  months  of  his  adminis- 
tration he  had  presented  a pitiable  spectacle  of  a 
ruler  helplessly  confounded  by  the  miscarriage  of 
a policy.  Yet  his  personal  prestige,  though  dimin- 
ished, was  still  immense.  Probably  three  quarters 
of  the  nation  believed  him  the  greatest,  wisest,  and 
most  virtuous  of  living  statesmen.  He  had  the 
rare  pleasure  of  transmitting  the  government  to  a 
successor  over  whom  his  personal  influence  was 
very  great,  who  was  in  thorough  political  sympa- 
thy with  him,  and  towards  whom  he  succeeded  in 
maintaining  a personal  friendliness  without  ex- 
ample in  the  history  of  the  country.  He  had  even 
to  a considerable  extent  enjoyed  the  rare  privilege 
of  naming  that  successor.  It  is  true  that  Madi- 
son was  pointed  out  for  the  place  by  his  official 
position,  his  eminent  services,  and  his  abundant 
ability  ; yet  at  one  time  a strong  effort  was  made 
to  set  up  Monroe  as  a competitor.  The  movement 
made  a brief  show  of  becoming  formidable.  Jef- 
ferson avowed  that  he  would  take  no  sides  as  be- 
tween two  men,  each  of  whom  he  loved  and  trusted. 
But  Monroe  entertained  uncomfortable  suspicions, 
which  were  fostered  by  the  malicious  communica- 
tions of  persons  professing  to  be  friends  to  him, 
and  who  certainly  were  enemies  of  the  President. 
A slight  coolness  ensued  in  spite  of  Jefferson’s 
protestations,  but  it  did  not  last  long.  Jefferson 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


283 


was  the  most  conciliatory  of  men,  and  Monroe  had 
really  no  choice  but  to  be  pacified.  J efferson  prob- 
ably told  the  truth  when  he  sjjid  that  he  took  no 
part  for  either  competitor.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  he  was  in  any  way  active  in  Madison’s  behalf. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Madi- 
son had  long  before  been  designed  by  him  for  the 
position,  that  this  was  perfectly  well  understood, 
and  that  the  knowledge  of  his  wishes  was  conclu- 
sive. • 

Jefferson  had  been  earnestly  besought  by  many 
and  influential  bodies  of  citizens  to  become  a can- 
didate for  a third  term.  Probably  he  could  have 
had  the  honor,  had  he  sought  it.  But  he  declined 
promptly  and  without  the  least  wavering.  He  had 
already  stretched  his  avowed  principles  concern- 
ing the  duration  of  incumbency  quite  far  enough ; 
neither  could  he  now  add  anything  to  a fame  so 
great  that  it  could  be  increased  more  by  declining 
than  by  accepting  further  distinctions.  Moreover, 
the  times  began  to  look  stormy  and  uncomfortable. 
He  would  be  sixty-five  years  old  at  the  close  of  his 
second  term ; he  had  been  in  public  life,  with 
trifling  interruptions,  for  about  forty  years ; he 
had  enjoyed  an  amount  and  constancy  of  good  for- 
tune rare  in  any  polity  and  almost  unprecedented 
in  a republic.  He  retired  with  a reputation  and 
popularity  hardly  inferior  to  that  of  Washington. 
He  could  dictate  the  foreign  and  domestic  policy 
of  seven  millions  of  free  and  critical  people,  simply 
by  virtue  of  the  personal  confidence  reposed  in  his 


284 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


integrity  and  judgment.  It  is  difficult  to  suggest 
any  other  example  parallel  to  this.  No  personal 
influence  of  a civilian,  not  nourished  in  any  degree 
by  successful  war,  has  ever  been  so  great  and  so 
permanent  over  our  people.  In  a fair  measure  i 
this  was  deservedly  the  case,  for  with  all  his  faults 
Jefferson  had  very  civilized  ideas  and  was  the  true 
friend  of  the  commonalty.  While  he  regarded 
their  welfare  as  the  noblest  object  of  government,  ' 
he  did  not  confer  benefits  upon  them  as  boons,  like 
a political  charity  done  by  superiors  to  inferiors. 
He  believed  in  them  ; he  esteemed  their  intelli- 
gence ; he  not  only  respected  their  power,  but  he 
desired  to  see  them  use  it,  because  he  was  firmly 
convinced  that  they  would  use  it  well.  He  was 
called  a demagogue ; but  he  was  not  one,  if  that 
word  indicates  disingenuousness  in  preaching  popu- 
lar doctrines.  Jefferson  had  a profound  and  honest 
faith  in  his  avowed  principles,  expecting  indeed  to 
gain  by  them,  but  only  because  he  thought  they 
were  fundamentally  right  and  therefore  sure  in 
time  to  prevail.  He  differed  from  the  time-serving 
politician,  because  he  staked  his  individual  success 
upon  the  success  of  what  he  deemed  intrinsically 
right  principles.  He  differed  even  from  the  states- 
man who  acts  conscientiously  upon  every  measure,  i 
inasmuch  as,  beyond  devising  specific  measures,  he 
set  forth  a broad  faith  or  religion  in  statesmanship, 
making  special  measures  only  single  blocks  in  the 
wide  pavement  of  his  road.  He  was  sometimes 
insincere,  often  inconsistent,  generally  prone  to 


PRESIDENT:  SECOND  TERM 


285 


shun  hurt  and  danger  to  himself  ; but  from  the 
time  when  he  began  his  great  reforms  in  the  Vir- 
ginia House  of  Burgesses,  the  general  tendency 
and  large  lines  of  his  purposes  and  policy  held 
with  much  steadiness  in  the  noble  direction  of  a 
perfect  humanitarianism.  To  this  day  the  multi- 
tude cherish  and  revere  his  memory,  and  in  so 
doing  pay  a just  debt  of  gratitude  to  a friend  who 
not  only  served  them,  as  many  have  done,  but  who 
honored  and  respected  them,  as  very  few  have 
done. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


AT  MONTICELLO  : POLITICAL  OPINIONS 

Jefferson’s  interest  in  public  affairs  had  be- 
come a part  of  his  nature  and  could  not  suddenly 
cease.  Accordingly  in  his  retirement  he  corre- 
sponded constantly  with  the  new  President,  exer- 
cising an  authority  in  the  Republican  party  not 
altogether  unlike  that'  which  had  been  exercised 
by  Hamilton,  in  private  life,  over  the  Federalists. 
But  in  time  this  relationship  caused  fault-finding, 
and  gave  rise  to  disagreeable  insinuations  that 
Madison  was  only  the  puppet  of  the  ex-President. 
Of  course  Madison  was  no  man’s  puppet,  but  such 
language  was  so  fitted  to  wound  his  feelings  and 
weaken  his  prestige  that  Jefferson,  from  a sense  of 
delicacy,  thereafterward  greatly  curtailed  his  com- 
munications. 

A few  of  Jefferson’s  opinions  on  public  affairs 
deserve  to  be  noted.  He  anticipated  for  the  new 
administration  a peaceful  and  prosperous  career. 
War,  indeed,  still  hovered  in  his  view  as  a possibly 
“ less  losing  business  than  unrestricted  depreda- 
tion ; ” but  in  his  desire  to  avoid  it  he  advised,  in 
the  “ present  maniac  state  of  Europe,”  not  to  “ es- 
timate the  point  of  honor  by  the  ordinary  scale.” 


AT  MONTICELLO  : POLITICAL  OPINIONS  287 


Yet  lie  was  against  making  permanent  concessions 
of  principle  ; and  wlien  a commercial  treaty  was  in 
prospect  lie  urged  Madison  not  to  allow  the  Eng- 
lish to  “ whip  us  into  a treaty  ” as  “ they  did  in 
Jay’s  case  and  were  near  doing  in  Monroe’s.” 

He  indulged  in  a wonderful  vision  of  territorial 
aggrandizement.  Bonaparte,  lie  said,  — 

“would  give  us  the  Floridas  to  withhold  intercourse 
with  the  residue  of  those  [the  Spanish]  colonies.  But 
that  is  no  price ; because  they  are  ours  in  the  first 
moment  of  the  first  war ; and  until  a war  they  are  of 
no  particular  necessity  to  us.  But,  although  with  dif- 
ficulty, he  will  consent  to  our  receiving  Cuba  into  our 
Union.  . . . That  would  be  a price,  and  I would  imme- 
diately erect  a column  on  the  southernmost  limit  of  Cuba 
and  inscribe  on  it  ne  plus  ultra  as  to  us  in  that  direc- 
tion. We  should  then  have  only  to  include  the  North 
in  our  confederacy,  which  would  be  of  course  in  the  first 
war,  and  we  should  have  such  an  empire  for  liberty  as 
she  has  never  surveyed  since  the  creation  ; and  I am 
persuaded  no  constitution  was  ever  before  so  well  calcu- 
lated as  ours  for  extensive  empire  and  self-government.” 

In  1809  this  was  tolerably  gorgeous  day-dream- 
ing! 

He  bad  by  this  time  so  far  modified  his  old  hos- 
tility to  commerce  and  manufactures  as  to  say: 
“ An  equilibrium  of  agriculture,  manufactures,  and 
commerce  is  certainly  become  essential  to  our  in- 
dependence. Manufactures  sufficient  for  our  con- 
sumption, of  what  we  raise  the  raw  material  (and 
no  more)  •,  commerce  sufficient  to  carry  the  surplus 


28S 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


produce  of  agriculture  beyond  our  own  consump- 
tion, to  a market  for  exchanging  it  for  articles  we 
cannot  raise  (and  no  more).” 

He  wrote  to  Gallatin  urging  him  to  be  persist- 
ent in  extinguishing  the  national  debt.  “ The 
discharge  of  the  debt,”  he  said,  “ is  vital  to  the 
destinies  of  our  government,  and  it  hangs  on  Mr. 
Madison  and  yourself  alone.  ...  I had  always 
cherished  the  idea  that  you  would  fix  on  that  ob- 
ject the  measure  of  your  fame  and  of  the  gratitude 
which  our  country  will  owe  you.”  He  had  a warm 
regard  for  Gallatin,  and  when  in  the  winter  of 
1810-11  attacks  were  made  on  the  secretary,  and 
seams  began  to  open  in  the  party,  Jefferson  ex- 
erted all  his  authority  to  stay  the  disagreement. 
He  preached  conciliation  eloquently,  and  laid  down 
a rule  of  adherence  to  party  which  expressed  hap- 
pily the  middle  course  between  excessive  individ- 
ual independence  and  a sacrifice  of  conscientious 
opinion. 

In  the  spring  of  1812  Jefferson  saw  that  war 
was  imminent.  “ Our  two  countries,”  he  wrote  to 
an  English  friend,  “ are  to  be  at  war,  but  not  you 
and  I.  And  why  should  our  two  countries  be  at 
war  when  by  peace  we  can  be  so  much  more  useful 
to  one  another  ? Surely  the  world  will  acquit  our 
government  from  having  sought  it.  Never  before 
has  there  been  an  instance  of  a nation  bearing  so 
much  as  we  have  borne.”  This  was  true  enough  ; 
Jefferson  and  Madison  had  carried  endurance  far 
past  the  praiseworthy  limit ; they  were  not  account- 
able for  the  blood-letting  to  come. 


AT  MONTICELLO:  POLITICAL  OPINIONS  289 


Jefferson  contemplated  in  his  usual  sanguine 
temper  a war  which  turned  out  so  very  disas- 
trously. He  modestly  hoped  that  we  should  con- 
fine ourselves  to  the  defense  of  our  harbors  and  to 
the  conquest  of  the  British  possessions  in  North 
America  ! “ The  acquisition  of  Canada,”  he  said, 

“ this  year,  as  far  as  the  neighborhood  of  Quebec, 
would  be  a mere  matter  of  marching,  and  would 
give  us  experience  for  the  attack  of  Halifax  the 
next,  and  the  final  expulsion  of  England  from  the 
American  continent.”  Of  course  he  showed  his 
native  incapacity  for  military  affairs.  “ The  parti- 
sans of  England  here,”  he  said,  “ have  endeavored 
much  to  goad  us  into  the  folly  of  choosing  the  ocean 
instead  of  the  land  for  the  theatre  of  war.  That 
wordd  be  to  meet  their  strength  with  our  own  weak- 
ness, instead  of  their  weakness  with  our  strength.” 
Quite  the  reverse  of  this  proved  to  be  the  case. 
In  spite  of  his  utter  failure  to  appreciate  the  sit- 
uation, and  his  incapacity  to  cope  with  military 
problems,  he  was  actually  “ importuned  from  sev- 
eral quarters  to  become  a candidate  for  the  pre- 
sidency in  1812.”  So  blind  was  the  admiration  of 
his  partisans  ! Further,  Mr.  Randall  also  tells  us, 
“ on  the  authority  of  an  intimate  friend  of  Mr. 
Madison,  who  heard  the  fact  from  his  own  lips,” 
that  Madison  offered  the  position  of  secretary  of 
state  to  Jefferson.  Upon  this  subject  Jefferson 
wrote  to  Duane,  October  1,  1812  : “ I profess  so 
much  of  the  Roman  principle  as  to  deem  it  hon- 
orable for  the  general  of  yesterday  to  act  as  a 


290 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


corporal  to-clay,  if  liis  services  can  be  useful  to  bis 
country ; bolding  that  to  be  false  pride  which  post- 
pones the  public  good  to  any  private  or  personal 
considerations.  But  I am  past  service.  The  hand 
of  age  is  upon  me.  The  decay  of  bodily  faculties 
apprises  me  that  those  of  the  mind  cannot  but  be 
impaired.”  He  continues  in  this  melancholy  strain, 
and  concludes  by  expressing  his  satisfaction  that 
he  “ retains  understanding  enough  to  be  sensible 
how  much  of  it  he  has  lost  and  to  avoid  exposing 
himself  as  a spectacle  for  the  pity  of  his  friends  ; 
that  he  has  surmounted  the  difficult  point  of  know- 
ing when  to  retire.”  This  might  have  been  only  an 
excuse,  but  probably  it  was  not  so ; for  he  was  now 
constantly  harping  upon  the  failure  of  his  faculties. 

He  was  glad  finally  to  have  peace  concluded ; 
he  hoped  that,  “ having  spared  the  pride  of  Eng- 
land her  formal  acknowledgment  of  the  atrocity  of 
impressment,  . . . she  will  concur  in  a convention 
for  relinquishing  it.”  Otherwise  the  pacification 
could  be  nothing  more  than  a “ truce,  determina- 
ble on  the  first  act  of  impressment  of  an  American 
citizen.”  He  deprecated  “the  maniac  course  of 
hostility  and  hatred  ” pursued  by  England  toward 
the  United  States. 

“ I hope  in  God  she  will  change.  There  is  not  a 
nation  on  the  globe  with  whom  I have  more  earnestly 
wished  a friendly  intercourse  on  equal  conditions.  . . . 
I know  that  their  creatures  represent  me  as  personally 
an  enemy  to  England.  But  fools  only  can  believe  this, 
or  those  who  think  me  a fool.  I am  an  enemy  to  her 


AT  MONTICELLO:  POLITICAL  OPINIONS  291 

insults  and  injuries.  I am  an  enemy  to  the  flagitious 
principles  of  her  administration,  and  to  those  which 
govern  her  conduct  towards  other  nations.  But  would 
she  give  to  morality  some  place  in  her  political  code, 
and  especially  would  she  exercise  decency  and,  at  least, 
neutral  passions  towards  us,  there  is  not,  I repeat  it,  a 
people  on  earth  with  whom  I would  sacrifice  so  much  to 
he  in  friendship.” 

Certainly  no  man  was  ever  less  prone  to  nourish 
a feud  than  was  Jefferson.  He  always  wanted  to 
conciliate,  to  forgive,  to  restore  lost  or  shattered 
friendships.  About  this  time  he  made  up  his  old 
quarrel  with  John  Adams,  and  was  correspond- 
ing with  him  most  cordially.  This  is  only  one  of 
many  instances  of  an  attractive  trait  in  his  charac- 
ter, giving  a most  amiable  notion  of  him,  — yet  he 
left  behind  him  those  venomous  “Anas,”  among 
the  most  unfortunate  of  all  deeds  of  the  pen.  Be- 
neath an  universal  good-will  it  is  shocking  to  find 
rankling  a vindictiveness  so  relentless  and  so  igno- 
bly indulged.  How  differently  should  we  think  of 
him,  were  it  not  for  this  bequest,  which,  like  the 
cloven  foot,  peeps  out  from  beneath  his  apparent 
guise  of  broad  charity  and  kindliness ! 

In  1820  he  was  profoundly  disturbed  by  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  which  seemed  to  him  preg- 
nant with  a brood  of  terrible  retributive  disasters. 

“ This  momentous  question,”  he  said,  “ like  a fire-bell 
in  the  night,  awakened  and  filled  me  with  terror.  I 
considered  it  at  once  as  the  knell  of  the  Union.  It  is 
hushed,  indeed,  for  the  moment.  But  this  is  a reprieve 


292 


THOMAS  JEFERSON 


only,  not  a final  sentence.”  “The  coincidence  or  a 
marked  principle,  moral  and  political,  with  a geographi- 
cal line,  once  conceived,  I feared  would  never  more  be 
obliterated  from  the  mind  ; that  it  would  be  recurring 
on  every  occasion,  and  renewing  irritations  until  it  would 
kindle  such  mutual  and  mortal  hatred  as  to  render  sepa- 
ration preferable  to  eternal  discord.” 

He  foresaw  civil  war.  “ Are  we  then  to  see 
again  Athenian  and  Lacedaemonian  confedera- 
cies? To  wage  another  Peloponnesian  war  ? ” Yet 
though  he  was  thus  correctly  prescient  of  the 
awful  future,  he  was  sadly  blind  alike  to  the  char- 
acter and  to  the  result  of  the  conflict.  “ It  is 
not,”  he  said,  “ a moral  question,  but  one  merely 
of  power.  Its  object  is  to  raise  a geographical 
principle  for  the  choice  of  a president,  and  the 
noise  will  be  kept  up  till  that  is  effected.”  The 
moral  element  was  still  far  beneath  the  surface, 
and  common  men  might  not  have  suspected  its  ex- 
istence ; but  Jefferson  should  have  done  so.  He 
was  not  more  excusable  when  he  anticipated  that 
the  North  would  be  the  section  to  suffer  most  from 
the  schism.  The  Northerners,  he  predicted,  “ will 
find  the  line  of  separation  very  different  from  their 
36°  of  latitude,  and  as  manufacturing  and  navi- 
gating States  they  will  have  quarreled  with  their 
bread  and  butter ; and  I fear  not  that  after  a little 
trial  they  will  think  better  of  it,  and  return  to  the 
embraces  of  their  natural  and  best  friends.”  Such 
is  prophecy  in  statesmanship. 

Further,  he  was  decidedly  of  the  opinion  that 


AT  MONTICELLO:  POLITICAL  OPINIONS  £93 


in  the  compromise  Congress  interfered  unjustifiably 
with  states’  rights.  He  condemned  the  endeavor 
“ to  regulate  the  condition  of  the  different  descrip- 
tions of  men  composing  a State.  This  certainly  is 
the  exclusive  right  of  eveiy  State,  which  nothing 
in  the  Constitution  has  taken  from  them  and  given 
to  the  general  government.”  His  views  concern- 
ing emancipation  had  apparently  undergone  little 
change  since  the  early  days  when  he  had  concocted 
a scheme  for  it,  except  that  apparently  he  gave 
greater  weight  now  than  previously  to  the  practi- 
cal difficulties.  “ The  cession  of  that  kind  of  pro- 
perty [slaves] , for  so  it  is  misnamed,  is  a bagatelle 
which  would  not  cost  me  a second  thought,  if  in 
that  way  a general  emancipation  and  expatriation 
could  he  effected  ; and  gradually  and  with  due 
care,  I think,  it  might  he.  But  as  it  is,  we  have 
the  wolf  by  the  ears,  and  can  neither  hold  him 
nor  safely  let  him  go.” 

In  1821  Jefferson  had  a sharp  revival  of  his  old 
jealousy  of  the  judiciary,  and  published  some  let- 
ters on  the  subject.  Later,  during  the  administra- 
tion of  J.  Q.  Adams,  he  was  also  greatly  annoyed 
by  the  complete  victory  of  the  policy  of  internal 
improvement.  He  now  gave  up  this  battle  as 
hopelessly  lost  to  his  side.  “ The  torrent  of  gen- 
eral opinion  ” he  recognized  as  “ irresistible.”  He 
was  very  mournful  about  it.  He  could  not  recon- 
cile himself  to  a liberal  construction  which  seemed 
to  him  a perversion  of  the  Constitution,  no  matter 
how  great  advantages  could  he  gained  thereby. 


294 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


Apparently  lie  was  also  much  less  tolerant  of  the 
principle  itself  than  he  had  been  when  the  enter- 
prises would  have  fallen  beneath  his  own  control, 
and  would  have  brought  popularity  to  his  own 
administration.  He  suggested  an  absurd  way  of 
preserving  the  sanctity  of  his  doctrine  in  the  ab- 
stract, while  it  was  being  shattered  to  fragments 
in  practice.  He  drew  up  for  the  Virginia  legisla- 
ture a verbose  “ Declaration  and  Protest,”  recit- 
ing the  powerlessness  of  Congress  in  the  premises, 
and  closing  with  an  enactment  in  general  terms, 
whereby  the  State  ratified  and  indorsed,  by  virtue 
of  its  own  supreme  power  and  authority  in  such 
matters,  all  the  acts  for  internal  improvements 
which  Congress  should  pass  in  the  future.  This 
was  silly,  but  Jefferson  was  greatly  perturbed  by 
what  he  saw  going  forward.  He  deemed  the 
building  of  canals  and  roads  with  the  national 
money  a breach  of  the  national  compact  such  as 
might  in  time  even  justify  a dissolution.  For  this, 
he  said,  the  provocation  was  not  yet  sufficient ; it 
was  “ the  last  resource,  not  to  be  thought  of  until 
much  longer  and  greater  sufferings ; ” but  it  was 
a possibility  in  the  days  to  come.  His  alarm  was 
groundless,  and  his  cure  useless ; construction  of 
water-ways  and  highways  could  never  have  pro- 
voked or  justified  secession.  But  Jefferson  was 
growing  old.  This  is  the  last  of  his  interferences 
in  public  affairs  which  is  worthy  of  mention. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


AT  MONTICELLO  : PERSONAE  MATTERS. DEATH 

There  was  a strong  theatrical  tinge  in  Jeffer- 
son’s composition.  When  he  retired  from  the 
presidency  it  was  to  pose  during  his  old  age  as  the 
“ Sage  of  Monticello,”  the  good  and  wise  old  man, 
the  benefactor  of  his  kind,  the  statesman-philoso- 
pher. He  recognized  that  it  was  proper,  nay,  in- 
cumbent, and  even  inevitable,  to  assume  this  role  ; 
he  did  it  readily,  without  anxiety  as  to  his  perfect 
success  in  the  part,  and  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  he  played  it  to  the  end  very  well.  He  at  first 
expected  to  be  the  “ hermit  of  Monticello  ; ” but 
he  soon  found  that  he  was  of  that  class  of  hermits 
whose  fame  is  so  great  among  the  nations  that  all 
the  world  flocks  to  gaze  at  them,  so  that  retreat 
becomes  a series  of  popular  levees.  The  door  of 
his  mansion,  hospitable  even  beyond  Virginian  pre- 
cedent, stood  ever  open,  and  the  stream  of  visitors 
passed  ceaselessly  in  and  out.  Relatives  came  and 
brought  their  families,  fathers  and  mothers  with 
broods  of  children,  and  stayed  for  months  ; friends 
treated  the  generous  roof -tree  as  their  own  ; people 
of  distinction  or  good  social  position  claimed  and 
received  briefer  entertainment.  All  this  was  plea- 


296 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


sant,  and  the  gratification  given  by  such  visitors 
generally  more  than  offset  the  inconveniences. 
But  it  was  less  agreeable  to  have  the  imperfectly 
civilized  people  at  large  behave  as  if  Monticello 
were  the  public  domain  where  the  ex-President 
was  kept  always  on  exhibition.  Every  one  in  the 
United  States,  of  any  enterprise,  sooner  or  later 
found  his  way  to  this  extraordinary  “ hermitage.” 
The  following  amusing  sketch  of  the  household 
occurs  in  a letter  quoted  in  Randall’s  Life  : — 

“We  had  persons  from  abroad,  from  all  the  States  of 
the  Union,  from  every  part  of  the  State,  men,  women, 
and  children.  In  short,  almost  every  day  for  at  least 
eight  months  of  the  year  brought  its  contingent  of 
guests.  People  of  wealth,  fashion,  men  in  office,  pro- 
fessional men,  military  and  civil,  lawyers,  doctors,  Pro- 
testant clergymen,  Catholic  priests,  members  of  Con- 
gress, foreign  ministers,  missionaries,  Indian  agents, 
tourists,  travelers,  artists,  strangers,  friends.  Some 
came  from  affection  and  respect,  some  from  curiosity, 
some  to  give  or  receive  advice  or  instruction,  some  from 
idleness,  some  because  others  set  the  example.” 

The  crowds  actually  invaded  the  house  itself, 
and  stood  in  the  corridors  to  watch  Jefferson  pass 
from  one  room  to  another  ; they  swarmed  over  the 
grounds  and  gaped  at  him  as  he  walked  beneath 
his  trees  or  sat  on  his  piazza.  All  this  was  flatter- 
ing, but  it  was  also  extremely  irksome ; it  too 
closely  resembled  the  existence  of  the  beast  in  the 
menagerie.  Yet  though  Jefferson  sometimes  fled 
from  it  for  a few  days  of  hiding  at  a distant  farm, 


AT  MONTICELLO  : PERSONAL  MATTERS  297 


lie  appears  wonderfully  seldom  to  liave  been  lack- 
ing in  the  patient  benignity  which  his  part  im- 
posed upon  him.  The  most  impertinent  had  their 
'gaze  out  unmolested;  only  a few  complaints  were 
made  privately  to  friends. 

In  time  that  came  to  pass  which  Jefferson  ought 
to  have  foreseen  in  the  early  stages  of  this  fashion 
of  life.  He  was  keeping  a large  and  naturally  a 
very  popular  hotel,  at  which  no  guest  ever  thought 
of  paying  his  score.  The  housekeeper  at  times 
had  to  provide  fifty  beds  ; inevitably  the  detail  of 
slaves  for  the  house  and  stables  left  few  field 
hands  for  productive  labor ; all  the  produce  of 
the  Monticello  estate  was  eaten  up  by  the  guests ; 
and  of  course  much  other  food  and  drink  had  to 
be  purchased,  and  much  wear  and  tear  to  be  made 
good.  The  form  of  entertainment  was  necessarily 
simple ; yet  J efferson  lived  in  what  was  deemed 
good  style  in  that  time  and  neighborhood.  Inevi- 
tably beneath  these  reducing  processes  his  fortune 
steadily  and  much  too  rapidly  shrank.  He  had 
also  experienced  some  severe  blows.  For  example, 
the  pre-revolutionary  debt  upon  his  wife’s  estate 
was  due  in  England,  and  the  story  of  its  payment 
was  very  hard,  though  very  honorable  to  him.  In 
order  to  meet  it  he  sold  some  of  her  lands  at  a 
gold  valuation,  but  finally  got  the  money  in  paper 
“ worth  two  and  a half  per  cent,  of  its  nominal 
value.”  This  sum  he  deposited  in  the  state  trea- 
sury under  a statute,  made  during  the  Revolution, 
whereby  debts  owing  to  English  subjects  could  be 


298 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


paid  to  the  State,  which  then  assumed  the  indebt- 
edness and  acquitted  the  debtor.  But  after  the 
close  of  the  war  he  declined  to  avail  himself  of 
this  acquittance. 

“ I am  desirous  of  arranging  with  you,”  he  wrote  to 
the  creditors,  “ such  just  and  practicable  conditions  as 
will  ascertain  to  you  the  terms  at  which  you  will  receive 
my  part  of  your  debt,  and  give  me  the  satisfaction  of 
knowing  that  you  are  contented.  What  the  laws  of 
Virginia  are  or  may  be,  will  in  no  wise  influence  my 
conduct.  Substantial  justice  is  my  object,  as  decided  by 
reason  and  not  by  authority  or  compulsion.  ...  I am 
ready  to  remove  all  difficulty  arising  from  this  deposit, 
to  take  back  to  myself  the  demand  against  the  State, 
and  to  consider  the  deposit  as  originally  made  for  my- 
self and  not  for  you.” 

Thus  the  discharge  of  £3749  12s.  ultimately 
“ swept  nearly  half  of  his  estate,”  while  he  got 
back  from  the  state  treasury  so  little  that  he  was 
wont  to  say,  concerning  the  land  which  he  had 
parted  with,  that  he  had  “ sold  it  for  a great  coat.” 
This  costly  honesty  appears  the  more  creditable, 
because  Jefferson’s  financial  resources  had  been 
much  diminished  by  the  ravages  of  the  British 
troops,  of  which  the  money  value,  says  Mr.  Ran- 
dall, “ more  than  equaled  the  amount  of  his  Brit- 
ish debt  and  its  interest  during  the  war.” 

Subsequently  during  his  public  life  Jefferson 
sometimes  lived  on  his  salary,  sometimes  exceeded 
it,  and  only  while  he  was  vice-president  saved  any- 
thing from  it.  Mr.  Randall  estimates  his  property 


AT  MONTICELLO:  PERSONAL  MATTERS  299 


at  1200,000  when  he  left  the  presidency,  but  does 
not  make  it  perfectly  clear  whether  or  not  this 
ought  to  be  reduced  by  the  deduction  of  some 
indebtedness.  It  was  a handsome  amount ; but  a 
part  of  it  consisted  of  his  house  and  furniture,  and 
a very  expensive  library  ; the  remainder  was  lands 
and  slaves,  from  which,  after  the  Monticello  estate 
and  negroes  had  been  substantially  neutralized,  as 
has  been  above  explained,  the  net  income  was  far 
from  equal  to  the  demands  upon  it.  Times  and 
crops  also  often  went  against  him.  When  the 
owner  of  propei’ty  thus  invested  once  begins  to 
overrun  his  income,  he  enters  on  the  road  to  ruin. 
By  degrees  Jefferson  became  a poor  man,  and 
indeed  worse  than  poor,  since  he  was  involved 
in  pecuniary  embarrassments.  Before  matters  had 
reached  this  stage  he  had  sold  his  library  to  Con- 
gress for  #23,950  ; but  this  restorative  did  not  long 
check  the  decline.  In  1819  an  indorsement  which 
he  had  made  for  his  friend,  Wilson  Cary  Nicholas, 
cost  him  #20,000.  This  blow  consummated  his 
ruin.  Nicholas  is  said  to  have  been  not  blame- 
worthy in  the  matter,  but  the  victim  of  ill  fortune  ; 
and  to  have  been  crushed  at  the  disaster  which  he 
brought  upon  his  friend.  The  kindness  and  deli- 
cacy with  which  Jefferson  took  especial  pains  to 
treat  him  were  remarkable,  and  on  one  or  two 
occasions  were  actually  touching. 

But  debts  must  be  paid,  no  matter  how  honored, 
good,  or  distinguished  is  the  debtor,  and  ex-Presi- 
dent  Jefferson  occupied  no  better  position  than 


300 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


any  other  planter  who  was  very  near  insolvency. 
It  was  an  unfavorable  time  for  turning  a large 
landed  estate  into  money ; and  a sale  in  ordinary 
fashion  would  leave  Jefferson  substantially  a pau- 
per, even  if  not  still  a debtor.  To  avoid  this  he 
desired  to  resort  to  a device  then  scarcely  obsolete 
in  Virginia.  He  petitioned  the  legislature  for 
leave  to  dispose  of  his  property  at  a fair  valuation 
by  lottery.  By  this  means,  he  said,  “ I can  save 
the  house  of  Monticello,  and  a farm  adjoining,  to 
end  my  days  in  and  bury  my  bones.  If  not,  I 
must  sell  house  and  all  here  and  carry  my  family 
to  Bedford,  where  I have  not  even  a log  hut  to 
put  my  head  into.”  When  the  proposition  was 
broached  some  opposition  was  threatened,  and  its 
success  was  not  certain.  Jefferson  wrote,  with 
evident  humiliation  : “ I perceive  there  are  greater 
doubts  than  I had  apprehended,  whether  the  legis- 
lature will  indulge  my  request  to  them.  It  is  a 
part  of  my  mortification  to  perceive  that  I had  so 
far  overvalued  myself  as  to  have  counted  on  it 
with  too  much  confidence.  I see,”  he  sadly  adds, 
“ in  the  failure  of  this  hope,  a deadly  blast  of  all 
my  peace  of  mind  during  my  remaining  days.” 
But  he  was  spared  a disappointment  so  severe. 
The  opposition  was  feeble,  and  the  authorizing  hill 
passed  both  houses  by  very  gratifying  majorities. 
The  scheme,  however,  was  not  carried  out.  When 
the  news  of  it  spread  through  the  country  many 
offers  of  money  were  made.  Public  meetings  were 
called,  and  subscriptions  were  started  in  the  large 


AT  MOXTICELLO:  PERSONAL  MATTERS  301 


cities.  It  seemed  as  though  the  people  who,  as 
Bandall  justly  remarks,  had  literally  eaten  up 
most  of  the  ex-President’s  property,  would  now 
restore  it  to  him.  Jefferson  had  repudiated  the 
idea  of  a loan  or  gift  from  the  state  treasury, 
saying : “ In  any  case  I wish  nothing  from  the 
treasury.  The  pecuniary  compensations  I have  re- 
ceived for  my  services  from  time  to  time  have  been 
fully  to  my  own  satisfaction.”  But  these  offers  of 
voluntary  assistance  from  the  people  he  was  grate- 
fully willing  to  accept.  “ I have  spent  three  times 
as  much  money,  and  given  my  whole  life  to  my 
countrymen,”  he  said,  “ and  now  they  nobly  come 
forward  in  the  only  way  they  can,  to  repay  me  and 
save  an  old  servant  from  being  turned  like  a dog 
out  of  doors.”  “ No  cent  of  this  is  wrung  from 
the  tax-payer  ; it  is  the  pure  and  unsolicited  offer- 
ing of  love.” 

But  though  this  liberality  smoothed  Jefferson’s 
last  days,  it  had  little  other  effect ; for  before  it 
had  reached  that  stage  at  which  it  could  com- 
plete his  relief,  he  died.  The  debts  still  hung  over 
his  estate  ; the  subscriptions  of  course  ceased  ; the 
lottery  proved  a failure,  and  the  executor  had  to 
dispose  of  all  the  assets.  The  lands  brought  ridi- 
culously low  prices,  — three  to  ten  dollars  per  acre, 
— and  the  proceeds  did  not  pay  the  debts.  But 
the  executor  himself  made  good  the  deficit,  so 
that  no  creditor  suffered  through  Jefferson’s  mis- 
fortunes. 

The  chief  interest  and  occupation  of  Jefferson’s 


302 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


last  years  were  concentrated  in  establishing  the 
University  of  Virginia,  of  which  he  was  made 
rector.  In  this  business  he  labored  with  assiduity 
and  success.  But  he  encountered  many  obstacles 
and  had  some  unworthy  mortifications.  He  was 
especially  vexed  at  the  story  which  got  abroad, 
and  which  impeded  his  efforts  not  a little,  that  he 
designed  to  give  the  college  an  anti-Christian  char- 
acter. It  is  needless  to  say  that  he  had  no  such 
purpose ; though  he  certainly  did  not  intend  it  to 
be  in  the  control  of  any  especial  creed.  Jeffer- 
son’s religious  opinions,  both  during  his  lifetime 
and  since  his  death,  have  given  rise  to  much  con- 
troversy. His  opponents  constantly  charged  him 
with  infidelity,  his  friends  as  vigorously  denied  the 
charge.  The  discussion  annoyed  and  irritated  him ; 
but  he  would  not  put  an  end  to  it  by  making  any 
statement  concerning  his  belief.  It  was  his  private 
affair,  he  said  with  some  temper,  and  he  would  not 
aid  in  establishing  an  inquisition  of  conscience. 
His  grandson  says  that  even  his  own  family  knew 
no  more  than  the  rest  of  the  world  concerning  his 
religious  opinions.  One  cannot  but  think  that,  had 
he  been  a firm  believer  in  Christianity,  he  would 
probably  not  have  regarded  such  reticence  as  jus- 
tifiable, but  would  have  felt  it  his  duty  to  give  to 
the  faith  the  weight  of  his  influence,  which  he  well 
knew  to  be  considerable.  Nearly  all  the  evidence 
which  has  been  collected  falls  into  the  same  scale, 
going  to  show  that  he  was  not  a Christian  in  any 
strict  sense  of  that  word.  It  is  true  that  the  phrase 


AT  MONTICELLO:  PERSONAL  MATTERS  303 


bears  widely  different  meanings  to  different  per- 
sons ; but  probably  the  most  liberal  admissible 
interpretations  would  hardly  make  it  apply  to  Jef- 
ferson. Mr.  Kandall  says  that  he  was  a Christian, 
but  founds  the  statement  on  evidence  which  goes 
to  show  only  that  Jefferson  believed  in  a God  or 
Supreme  Being  who  concerned  himself  about  the 
affairs  of  men.  Of  course  this  is  by  no  means 
proof,  perhaps  not  properly  even  evidence,  of  a 
belief  in  Christ.  He  went  to  church  with  tolerable 
regularity ; he  spoke  with  the  utmost  reverence 
of  Christ  as  a moral  teacher ; but  he  carefully  re- 
frained from  speaking  of  him  as  anything  else 
than  a human  teacher.  In  the  most  interesting 
letter  which  he  ever  wrote  on  the  subject  he  says  : 
“ I am  a Christian  in  the  only  sense  in  which 
he  [Jesus]  wished  any  one  to  be ; sincerely  at- 
tached to  his  doctrines  in  preference  to  all  others  ; 
ascribing  to  himself  every  human  excellence  ; and 
believing  he  never  claimed  any  other.”  He  com- 
pares Christ  with  Socrates  and  Epictetus,  and  says 
that  when  he  died  at  about  thirty-three  years  of 
age,  his  reason  had  “ not  yet  attained  the  maxi- 
mum of  its  energy,  nor  the  course  of  his  preaching, 
which  was  but  of  three  years  at  most,  presented 
occasions  for  developing  a complete  system  of 
morals.  Hence  the  doctrines  which  he  really  de- 
li rered  were  defective  as  a whole  ; and  fragments 
only  of  what  he  did  deliver  have  come  to  us,  muti- 
lated, misstated,  and  often  unintelligible.”  This 
hardly  describes  the  Christian  notion  of  God’s  reve- 


304 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


lation.  After  such  language  it  was  not  worth  while 
to  add  the  saving  clause,  that  “ the  question  of  his 
being  a member  of  the  Godhead,  or  in  direct  com- 
munication with  it,  . . . is  foreign  to  the  present 
view.”  To  my  mind  it  is  very  clear  that  Jefferson 
never  believed  that  Christ  was  other  than  a human 
moralist,  having  no  peculiar  inspiration  or  divine 
connection,  and  differing  from  other  moralists  only 
as  Shakespeare  differs  from  other  dramatists, 
namely,  as  greatly  their  superior  in  ability  and  fit- 
ness for  his  function.  But  those  admirers  of  Jef- 
ferson, who  themselves  believe  in  the  divinity  of 
Christ,  will  probably  refuse  to  accept  this  view, 
though  they  find  themselves  without  sufficient  evi- 
dence conclusively  to  confute  it. 

Jefferson,  in  his  later  years,  became  much  con- 
cerned about  the  proper  historical  presentation  of 
his  times,  and  of  the  part  played  by  himself  and 
his  party  therein.  He  was  probably  the  greatest 
letter-writer  who  ever  lived  ; he  always  wrote  freely, 
and  expressed  himself  vigorously.  The  latter  part 
of  his  life  was  made  a burden  by  his  rule  to  give  a 
full  and  sufficient  answer  to  every  civil  letter  which 
he  received.  Inevitably  he  sometimes  fell  into  in- 
consistencies and  errors,  and  sometimes  said  things 
which  he  would  afterward  wish  unsaid.  At  times 
the  thought  of  all  that  he  had  committed  to  paper 
alarmed  him,  and  he  declared  that  “ the  treacher- 
ous practice  some  people  have  of  publishing  one’s 
letters  without  leave  ” should  be  made  “ a peniten- 
tiary felony.”  Yet  generally  he  regarded  his  own 


AT  MONTICELLO:  PERSONAL  MATTERS  305 


letters,  “all  preserved,”  written  between  1790  and 
the  close  of  his  public  life,  as  a great  reservoir 
from  which  correct  information  could  be  drawn  by 
posterity.  He  spoke  with  extreme  acrimony  of 
Marshall’s  “Life  of  Washington”  as  a purely  par- 
tisan production.  He  was  very  much  disturbed  at 
the  prospect  of  J.  Q.  Adams  editing  the  writings 
of  John  Adams.  “ Doubtless,”  he  said,  “ other 
things  are  in  preparation,  unknown  to  us.  On 
our  part  we  are  depending  on  truth  to  make  itself 
known,  while  history  is  taking  a contrary  set  which 
may  become  too  inveterate  for  correction.”  Shortly 
before  his  death  he  wrote  to  Madison : “ To  myself 
you  have  been  a pillar  of  support  through  life. 
Take  care  of  me  when  dead.”  All  this  anxiety 
lest  the  posthumous  historical  literature  of  the  Fed- 
eralists should  have  an  influence  with  posterity 
superior  to  that  of  the  Democrats,  comes  rather 
queerly  from  one  who  had  the  “ Anas  ” secretly 
locked  up  in  his  desk.  Yet  his  fears  were  justified 
by  the  event ; the  Federalists  have  to  this  day  been 
more  successful  than  the  Republicans  in  getting 
their  side  forcibly  and  plausibly  before  the  reading 
public. 

The  weaknesses  of  old  age  crept  over  Jefferson 
very  gradually,  as  they  are  wont  to  do  over  sound 
and  vigorous  men.  He  had  great  dread  of  a help- 
less, and  especially  of  an  imbecile,  senility,  and 
watched  for  signs  of  mental  decay  with  an  almost 
morbid  apprehensiveness.  Certainly  he  suspected 
more  symptoms  of  this  evil  than  really  existed ; 


30G 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON 


for  though  inevitably  the  vigor  of  his  intellect  be- 
came impaired  in  his  extreme  years,  yet  the  clear- 
ness of  his  mind  remained  even  until  the  weakness 
of  the  closing  hours  began  to  deprive  him  of  all 
knowledge  of  things  earthly.  There  is  very  little 
complaining,  at  least  in  the  published  letters  writ- 
ten in  his  last  years ; but  there  is  a certain  air  of 
sombreness  and  melancholy.  He  could  not  well 
find  fault  with  the  career  which  had  been  allotted 
to  him ; but  he  could  hardly  recognize  cheerfully 
that  his  usefulness  was  over,  his  authority  a thing 
of  the  past,  himself,  while  still  alive,  almost  a char- 
acter of  history.  His  power  had  been  too  great  to 
be  cheerfully  laid  down.  He  appears  to  have  been 
resigned,  courageous,  tranquil,  and  yet  one  gets 
the  idea  that  as  he  drifted  away  from  active  affairs 
he  was  not  happy,  and  that  death  must  have  lost 
its  terrors  for  him  some  time  before  it  actually 
came.  The  winter  of  1826  found  him  evidently 
fast  breaking.  In  the  middle  of  March  he  made 
his  will.  In  the  spring  we  hear  of  him  reading  in 
the  Bible  and  the  Greek  tragedies ; but  he  was 
not  much  longer  able  to  do  even  this.  As  the  4th 
of  July,  1826,  approached  he  was  known  by  him- 
self, and  by  all  the  affectionate  family  circle  gath- 
ered around  him,  to  be  dying.  He  expressed  a 
strong  desire  to  live  until  that  day  should  dawn ; 
yet  he  seemed  so  weak,  and  the  last  laggard  hours 
moved  so  slowly  that  his  friends,  to  whom  this 
wish  of  his  seemed  to  have  such  a sanctity  that 
they  could  not  bear  to  have  him  disappointed,  even 


AT  MONTICELLO  : PERSONAL  MATTERS  307 


in  the  almost  unconscious  hour  of  departure,  feared 
that  he  would  not  endure  so  long.  But  life  ebbed 
slowly  from  that  strong  frame.  It  was  nearly  one 
o’clock  on  that  great  day  when  he  expired.  John 
Adams  died  at  Quincy  a few  hours  later,  with  the 
words,  “Thomas  Jefferson  still  survives,”  strug- 
gling from  his  lips  at  the  moment  before  they 
became  silent  forever.  The  triple  coincidence  of 
the  two  deaths  and  the  day  is  more  singular  than 
anything  else  of  the  kind  in  history. 


INDEX 


Adams,  Abigail,  letter  of  Jefferson 
to,  concerning  removal  of  J.  Q. 
Adams  from  office,  199. 

Adams,  John,  on  committee  to  draft 
Declaration  of  Independence,  29 ; 
his  statement  concerning  Jefferson’s 
authorship,  29  ; joins  with  the  Lees 
to  oppose  Washington,  31  ; leads 
debate  in  favor  of  Declaration  of 
Independence,  33 ; criticises  De- 
claration for  lack  of  originality,  35 ; 
on  peace  commission,  66 ; commis- 
sioned to  make  treaties  of  com- 
merce, 70 ; minister  to  England, 
70,  72 ; attacked  by  Jefferson  as 
a monarchist,  114;  writes  “Dis- 
courses of  Davila,”  117 ; has  misun- 
derstanding with  Jefferson  over 
them,  US  ; Federalist  candidate  for 
President,  154  ; his  election  endan- 
gered by  lack  of  party  harmony, 
155 ; his  inauguration,  157 ; at- 
tempts of  Jefferson  to  win  over, 
158 ; consults  with  Jefferson  con- 
cerning French  mission,  158,  159 ; 
suddenly  ceases  to  consult  with 
him,  159 ; angered  at  French  in- 
sults, 160 ; wishing  to  keep  peace, 
sends  a commission,  161 ; announces 
failure  of  mission,  168 ; loses  his 
head  over  X Y Z affair,  168 ; 
ruins  Federalist  party  by  sending  a 
new  French  mission,  171 ; defeated 
in  election  of  1S00,  178 ; makes 
midnight  appointments,  186  ; avoids 
Jefferson’s  inauguration,  187 ; de- 
nounced by  Jefferson  for  midnight 
appointments,  195 ; his  power  as 
leader  inferior  to  that  of  Jefferson, 
235 ; becomes  reconciled  with  Jef- 
ferson, 291 ; his  remark  on  Jeffer- 
son while  dying,  307. 

Adams,  J.  Q.,  writes,  as  “ Publicola,” 


an  attack  upon  Jefferson,  118  ; con« 
duct  toward  office-holders  com- 
pared with  that  of  Jefferson,  194 ; 
turned  put  of  office  by  Jefferson, 
199  ; abandons  Federalists  to  sup- 
port embargo,  268 ; advises  blind 
following  of  Jefferson,  268 ; his  ad- 
ministration condemned  by  Jeffer- 
son, 293  ; his  edition  of  his  father’s 
works  dreaded  by  Jefferson,  305. 

Alien  Act,  passed,  172. 

Ambuscade  captures  the  Grange,  135. 

“ Anas,”  written  by  Jefferson,  their 
character,  98,  99,  102,  291,  305. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  vain  attempt  of 
Jefferson  to  kidnap,  58. 

Bank,  National,  debate  in  cabinet 
over,  107,  108. 

“Belinda,”  love  affair  of  Jefferson 
with,  8. 

Bishop,  Samuel,  his  appointment  to 
office  by  Jefferson  criticised  by 
Federalists,  199. 

Bonaparte,  Napoleon,  plans  coloniza- 
tion in  Louisiana,  217 ; rejects 
American  offers  to  buy  New  Or- 
leans, 217 ; abandons  colonial 
schemes  and  offers  to  sell  all  Lou- 
isiana, 218 ; his  career  puts  an 
end  to  Jefferson’s  French  partisan- 
ship, 243 ; issues  Berlin  and  Milan 
decrees,  263 ; indifferent  to  em- 
bargo, 272 ; seizes  American  ships, 
278. 

Bordeaux,  Archbishop  of,  invites 
Jefferson  to  assist  in  drawing  up  a 
constitution  for  France,  77. 

Botetourt,  Lord,  dissolves  House  of 
Burgesses,  16. 

Burgesses,  House  of.  See  Legisla- 
ture. 

Burke,  Edmund,  emends  and  prints 


310 


INDEX 


Jefferson’s  “ Summary  View,”  etc., 
19. 

Burr,  Aaron,  minor  leader  of  Demo- 
crats, 155 ; manages  party  in  New 
York,  176  ; receives  equal  vote  with 
Jefferson  in  election  of  1800,  178 ; 
not  popular  with  Democrats,  181; 
intrigues  with  Federalists  in  Con- 
gress to  be  made  President,  181, 
182  ; fails  and  ruins  his  reputation, 
184 ; contrast  with  Jefferson,  184, 
185  ; magnanimous  letter  of  Jeffer- 
son to,  184  ; not  renominated  for 
Vice-President,  239  ; anger  of  his 
followers,  241  ; kills  Hamilton,  249 ; 
plots  conquest  in  the  Southwest, 
249  ; his  trial,  249-254 ; supported 
by  Federalists,  250  ; escapes  trial  in 
Ohio,  253. 

Burwell,  Judy,  flirtation  of  Jefferson 
with,  8. 

Caermarthen,  Marquis  op,  his  eva- 
sive attitude  toward  Adams  and 
Jefferson,  72. 

Callender,  James  T.,  refugee  from 
England,  aided  by  Jefferson,  200, 
201 ; attacks  Washington  and  the 
Federalists,  201  ; punished  under 
Sedition  Act,  201  ; released  by  Jef- 
ferson, 202 ; refused  postmaster- 
ship  of  Richmond  by  Jefferson,  202  ; 
slanders  Jefferson,  202,  203 ; ap- 
plauded by  Federalists,  203  ; action 
of  Judge  Chase  at  his  trial,  232. 

Canada,  its  conquest  looked  forward 
to  by  Jefferson,  287,  289. 

Canning,  George,  tries  to  deceive 
Jefferson,  as  to  Orders  in  Council, 
266  ; condemns  his  recommendation 
of  embargo,  267  ; makes  delusive 
and  sarcastic  remarks  on  embargo, 
277,  278. 

Carmichael,  William,  instructed  by 
Jefferson  to  secure  from  Spain  nav- 
igation of  the  Mississippi,  206. 

Carr,  Peter,  letter  of  Jefferson  to,  on 
religion,  40. 

Carr,  Dabney,  his  children  adopted 
by  Jefferson,  his  brother-in-law,  65. 

Cary,  Colonel,  entertains  Jefferson, 

66. 

Chase,  Samuel,-  character  and  Fed- 


eralist partisanship  as  judge,  231, 
232  ; impeached  by  Democrats,  232  ; 
slightness  of  their  charges,  232*233  ; 
attack  instigated  by  Jefferson,  233, 
234 ; triumphant  in  trial  before 
Senate,  234. 

Chatham,  Lord,  on  ability  of  Conti- 
nental Congress,  23. 

Chesapeake,  attacked  by  Leopard, 
264-267. 

Church  establishment,  attacked  by 
Jefferson,  40  ; eventually  abolished, 
41. 

Civil  service,  Jefferson’s  theory  and 
practice  in  its  administration,  194- 
200. 

Clarke,  George  Rogers,  captures  Colo- 
nel Hamilton,  54. 

Clay,  Henry,  his  relations  with 
Wythe,  7. 

Clinton, George,  minor  leader  of  Demo- 
crats, not  available  as  a presidential 
candidate,  155 ; replaces  Burr  as 
candidate  for  vice-presidency,  239  ; 
elected,  241. 

Committees  of  Correspondence,  estab- 
lished in  Virginia,  17. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
views  of  Jefferson  concerning  its 
adoption,  84-86 ; attitude  of  Hamil- 
ton concerning,  104,  113 ; division 
of  parties  over  its  relation  to  Bank, 
107  ; attitude  of  Jefferson  toward, 
125,  205  ; strained  by  Alien  and  Se- 
dition Acts,  172 ; threatened  at  time 
of  election  of  Jefferson,  178-180 ; 
violated  in  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
218, 223, 227  ; justification  of  the  act, 
226-229 ; its  amendment  desired  by 
Jefferson,  228 ; its  relation  to  Mis- 
souri Compromise,  293 ; to  inter- 
nal improvements,  294. 

Congress,  Continental,  proposed  by 
Virginia,  18 ; its  character  accord- 
ing to  Chatham,  23  ; issues  mani- 
festo after  Bunker  Hill,  24  ; replies 
to  Lord  North,  25 ; ftfels  necessity 
for  defining  its  status,  28 ; debates 
independence,  28,  29 ; appoints 
committee  to  draw  up  a Declara- 
tion, 29  ; factions  in,  30,  31 ; adopts 
resolution  of  independence,  31,  32  ; 
debates  and  adopts  the  Declaration, 


INDEX 


311 


32-34  ; decline  in  character  in  1783, 
67 ; ratifies  treaty  of  peace,  67 ; 
appoints  a permanent  committee  of 
States,  67, 68 ; rejects  clause  prohib- 
iting slavery  in  new  Territories,  69. 

Congress  of  the  United  States,  strug- 
gle in,  over  assumption  of  state 
debts,  88,  S9  ; influenced  by  bargain 
of  Hamilton  and  Jefferson,  90 ; 
Hamilton's  bribery  of,  described  by 
Jefferson,  109,  111,  113 ; rejects 
proposed  non-importation  from 
England,  149  ; debates  Jefferson’s 
report  on  commerce,  149  ; ratifies 
Jay  treaty,  152  ; House  tries  to  de- 
feat it,  152  ; prepares  for  war  with 
France,  168;  passes  Alien  and  Sedi- 
tion Acts,  172 ; struggle  in,  over 
election  of  Jefferson,  17S-1S3 ; be- 
comes overwhelmingly  Democratic, 
193  ; gives  Jefferson  money  and  au- 
thority to  purchase  New  Orleans, 
214 ; ratifies  purchase  of  Louisi- 
ana, 222  ; impeaches  Pickering,  230, 
231 ; impeaches  Chase,  232-234 ; 
how  controlled  by  Jefferson,  235, 
236 ; supports  Jefferson’s  policy 
toward  Spain,  247  ; legislates  con- 
cerning treason,  254 ; passes  non- 
importation act,  257  ; suspends  it, 
262  ; adopts  embargo,  268  ; resolves 
to  maintain  it,  278 ; passes  bill  for 
extra  session  to  settle  embargo, 
279 ; finally  repeals  embargo,  2S0  ; 
buys  Jefferson’s  library,  299. 

Convention  of  Virginia.  See  Legis- 
lature. 

Cornwallis,  Lord,  defeats  Gates  at 
Camden  and  threatens  Virginia,  55 ; 
forced  to  retreat,  56  ; plunders  one 
of  Jefferson’s  farms,  61 ; surren- 
ders, 62. 

Cuba,  its  annexation  discussed  by 
Jefferson,  287. 

Deane,  Selas,  on  French  mission,  66. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  its  pre- 
paration, 29 ; reasons  for  choice  of 
Jefferson  as  author,  30,  31 ; de- 
bate over,  32-34 ; its  merits  and 
defects,  34,  35. 

Democratic  party,  its  origin,  97,  115, 
116 ; Jefferson’s  theory  of,  117 ; its 


platform  as  described  by  Jefferson, 
122-126  ; its  organization  and  name, 
129,  132  ; applauds  French  Revolu- 
tion, 131 ; welcomes  Genet,  135  ; 
damaged  by  Genet’s  excesses,  141- 
144  ; regains  favor  after  Jay  treaty, 
151 ; hopes  success  in  1796,  153 ; 
lack  of  leaders  in,  besides  Jefferson, 
155  ; damaged  by  conduct  of  France 
in  X Y Z affair,  160,  167,  168 ; ap- 
proves of  Kentucky  Resolutions, 
172 ; confident  before  election  of 
1800,  176 ; organized  by  Jefferson, 
176,  177  ; plans  extrarconstitutional 
means  to  defeat  Federalist  schemes, 
180 ; pleased  with  Jefferson’s  sim- 
plicity, 189  ; rejoices  at  acquisition 
of  Louisiana,  222  ; not  concerned  to 
sanction  it  by  constitutional  amend- 
ment, 228  ; not  more  democratic  in 
government  than  Federalists,  235 ; 
tends  to  obey  a leader,  236 ; as- 
sumes credit  for  results  of  Federal- 
ist policy,  238  ; renominates  Jeffer- 
son and  abandons  Burr  for  Clinton, 
239 ; growth  of  factions  in,  241  ; 
carries  election  of  1800,  241  ; divi- 
sion in,  caused  by  Randolph,  247, 
248  ; continues  to  gain  in  elections, 
260,  265 ; supports  embargo,  274, 
275  ; finally  repeals  it,  280. 

Dickinson,  John,  writes  substitute  for 
Jefferson’s  manifesto  of  Congress 
after  Bunker  Hill,  24  ; incorporates 
some  of  Jefferson’s  work,  25. 

Diplomatic  history,  Genet’s  mission 
to  the  United  States,  132-142  ; neu- 
trality proclamation,  133,  134 ; 
Grange  episode,  135,  138 ; excesses 
and  dismissal  of  Genet,  140-142 ; 
Jay  treaty,  151  ; dealings  with 
France,  160  ; X Y Z affair,  167,  168, 
171  ; relations  with  England,  255- 
257  ; the  Leander  affair,  257  ; Mon- 
roe’s treaty  with  England  in  1806, 
262 ; Leopard  affair,  264,  266,  267  *, 
negotiations  respecting  embargo  and 
Orders  in  Council,  277,  278. 

Duane,  William,  letter  of  Jefferson 
to,  declining  to  accept  office,  289. 

Dunmore,  Earl  of,  dissolves  House  of 
Burgesses,  17. 

Dupont  de  Nemours,  letter  of  Jeffer- 


312 


INDEX 


eon  to,  on  reasons  for  buying  New 
Orleans,  216. 

Embargo,  recommended  by  Jefferson, 
266 ; criticised  as  premature  by 
England  and  Federalists,  267 ; 
adopted  by  Congress,  268 ; discus- 
sion of  its  value,  268-275;  at  first 
strongly  favored,  269  ; Jefferson’s 
arguments  for,  269 ; its  effect  on 
United  States,  271 ; its  slight  effect 
on  England,  271,  272  ; innocuous 
to  France,  272  ; inconsistent  with 
Democratic  principles,  273,  274 ; 
responsibility  of  Jefferson  for,  274, 
275  ; increasing  violence  of  opposi- 
tion to,  276,  279  ; remarks  of  Can- 
ning upon,  277,  278  ; fails  to  influ- 
ence England,  277  ; its  possible  re- 
peal considered  by  Jefferson,  279 ; 
repealed  by  Congress,  280 ; failure 
as  a measure  of  offense,  280,  281. 

England,  attitude  toward  colonies  af- 
ter Gaspge  affair,  16,  17  ; its  legal 
relation  to  colonies,  19,  20  ; prac- 
tices policy  of  ravaging  colonies,  61 ; 
mission  of  Adams  and  Jefferson  to, 
in  1786,  72  ; description  of  its  bit- 
terness against  America  by  Jeffer- 
son, 73-76  ; folly  of  its  policy,  75, 
76  ; its  war  with  France,  132  ; re- 
joicings of  Jefferson  at  its  difficul- 
ties, 136,  161  ; retaliation  against, 
urged  by  Jefferson,  149  ; objections 
of  Jefferson  to  its  possible  seizure 
of  Spanish  colonies,  209 ; alliance 
with,  suggested  by  Jefferson  if 
France  hold  Louisiana,  211 ; friendly 
feeling  of  Jefferson  for,  243,  244, 
245 ; refuses  to  admit  commercial 
neutrality,  245,  255 ; commits  out- 
rages on  American  merchantmen, 
255,  256,  257  ; non-importation  act 
against,  adopted,  257  ; would  pro- 
bably have  fought  in  1807  as  well  as 
1812,  258  ; Monroe’s  rejected  treaty 
with,  in  1807,  262  ; determines  to 
ruin  American  commerce,  263  ; tries 
to  deceive  United  States  in  Leopard 
affair  by  holding  back  Orders  in 
Council,  266,  267  ; not  injured  but 
nelped  by  embargo,  271-273,  277, 
278 ; refuses  to  modify  Orders  in 


Council,  278 ; concessions  to,  by 
Madison,  opposed  by  Jefferson,  278  ; 
its  policy  toward  America  in  1812 
denounced  by  Jefferson,  290,  291. 

Entails,  abolished  in  Virginia,  38. 

Fauquier,  Francis,  friendship  with 
Jefferson,  7. 

Federalist  party,  its  organization  by 
Hamilton,  101  ; accused  by  Jeffer- 
son of  monarchical  schemes,  101, 
102,  111,  162,  163 ; absurdity  of  this 
attack,  103,  104 ; accused  of  cor- 
ruption, 105,  106,  109,  111,  123, 
163  ; accuses  Jefferson  of  cowardice 
and  backbiting,  126,  127  ; called 
“ Anglomaniacs  ” by  Jefferson,  135 ; 
damaged  by  Jay  treaty,  151  ; said 
by  Jefferson  to  be  upheld  by  "Wash- 
ington’s influence  alone,  153,  157  ; 
nominates  Adams  and  Pinckney, 
154 ; fails  through  dissensions  to 
elect  Pinckney,  155 ; abundance  of 
leaders  in,  155 ; strengthened  by 
aggressive  conduct  of  France,  160  ; 
denounces  Jefferson  for  Mazzei  let- 
ter, 164,  165 ; urges  war  with 
France,  169  ; passes  Alien  and  Sedi- 
tion Acts,  172  ; slanders  Jefferson 
in  presidential  campaign,  174 ; de- 
feated by  dissensions,  175,  177,  178  ; 
tries  by  technicality  to  defeat  elec- 
tion of  Jefferson,  178 ; proposes 
unconstitutional  devices,  179 ; in- 
trigues with  Burr,  181,  182 ; 

brought  to  elect  Jefferson  by  Ham- 
ilton, 182,  183  ; asserts  that  Jef- 
ferson made  pledges,  183  ; makes 
midnight  appointments,  186  ; Jeffer- 
son’s hopes  of  reconciling  its  mem- 
bers, 190,  191,  192 ; its  members 
not  dismissed  from  office,  as  a rule, 
by  Jefferson,  194,  195 ; applauds 
Callender’s  slanders  on  Jefferson, 
202,  204 ; tries  to  force  war  with 
France  on  issue  of  Mississippi  navi- 
gation, 213,  214 ; objects  to  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana,  219;  unable  to 
force  discussion,  222 ; its  attacks 
ignored  by  Jefferson,  227 ; its  con- 
trol of  federal  courts  feared  by 
Jefferson,  230  ; supports  Pickering 
and  Chase  when  impeached,  230- 


INDEX 


313 


234 ; shrinks  to  a small  faction,  239 ; 
badly  defeated  in  election  of  1801, 
241  ; supports  Burr  against  “ perse- 
cution ” of  Jefferson,  250,  251 ; as- 
sails Jefferson’s  rejection  of  Mon- 
roe’s treaty,  2G3 ; justifies  English 
in  Leopard  affair.  264 ; objects  to 
Jefferson's  recommendation  of  em- 
bargo, 267  ; opposes  passage  of 
embargo,  26S ; attacks  embargo  as 
tyranny,  273 ; and  as  anti-English, 
275 ; plans  secession,  279 ; said  by 
Jefferson  to  have  forced  repeal  of 
embargo,  2S0  ; its  influence  in  writ- 
ing history  dreaded  by  Jefferson, 
305. 

Fenno’s  “ Gazette,”  Federalist  organ, 
119. 

Financial  history,  adoption  of  Ham- 
ilton’s measures,  SS,  89  ; their  char- 
acter, 94,  95 ; their  effect  upon 
people,  105,  106;  speculation,  106, 
10S,  112 ; economy  and  financial 
success  of  Jefferson’s  administra- 
tion, 237  ; extinction  of  debt  urged 
by  Jefferson,  28S. 

Florida,  its  acquisition  expected  by 
Jefferson,  287. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  forms  a Whig 
cabinet,  257  ; friendly  attitude  of 
Jefferson  toward,  257,  262. 

France,  mission  of  Jefferson  to,  70, 
76-86 ; attitude  toward  United 
States  after  peace,  71 ; revolution 
in,  76-78 ; connection  of  Jefferson 
with,  77  ; relations  to,  at  outbreak 
of  war  between  it  and  England,  132, 
133 ; friendly  policy  of  Jefferson 
toward,  142,  148,  149  ; insolent  con- 
duct of,  in  Adams's  administration, 
160 ; demands  satisfaction,  160 ; 
mission  of  Marshall,  Gerry,  Pinck- 
ney to,  161,  167,  168 ; not  held  by 
Jefferson  to  be  guilty  in  X Y Z 
affair,  169,  170 ; makes  overtures 
for  reconciliation,  171  ; war  with, 
avoided  by  Adams,  171 ; suspected 
of  intention  to  regain  Louisiana, 
209;  gains  Louisiana  from  Spain, 
210  ; sells  it  to  United  States,  218  ; 
decline  of  Jefferson’s  sympathy  for, 
243 ; refuses  to  admit  neutrality, 
255,  263 ; indifferent  to  embargo, 


272 ; confiscates  American  vessels, 
278. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  in  Continental 
Congress,  23  ; connection  with  De- 
claration of  Independence,  29,  30  ; 
consoles  Jefferson  during  debate, 
33  ; remark  on  signing  Declaration, 
34 ; letter  of  Jefferson  to,  on  change 
of  government  in  Virginia,  36 ; on 
foreign  and  peace  commissions,  66, 
70 ; leaves  for  America,  70 ; per- 
sonal morality  compared  to  Jeffer- 
son’s, 204. 

French  Revolution,  connection  of  Jef- 
ferson with,  77-79 ; his  sympathy 
for  it,  77,  79,  SO,  87,  131,  137  ; ab- 
horred by  Hamiltonians,  130;  ap- 
plauded by  masses  in  United  States, 
131. 

Freneau,  Philip,  appointed  to  clerk- 
ship by  Jefferson,  119 ; establishes 
“ National  Gazette  ” and  attacks 
administration,  119  ; not  interfered 
with  by  Jefferson,  120 ; prints  affi- 
davit that  Jefferson  has  no  connec- 
tion with  his  paper,  121 ; Jefferson 
explains  his  connection  with,  124, 
125. 

Fries,  action  of  Judge  Chase  at  his 
trial,  232. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  letter  of  Jefferson 
to,  on  Hamilton,  94  ; a minor  leader 
of  Democrats,  155  ; urged  by  Jeffer- 
son to  reduce  debt,  2S8  ; upheld  by 
Jefferson  in  1811,  288. 

Gasp^e,  its  burning  and  results,  16. 

Gates,  Horatio,  defeated  at  Camden, 
55.  ^ 

Genet,  Edmond,  arrives  in  America, 
132 ; his  purpose  to  make  United 
States  aid  France,  133 ; equips  pri- 
vateers, 135 ; his  reception  by  Dem- 
ocrats, 135 ; unwillingly  rebuked 
by  Jefferson  for  infringing  neutral- 
ity laws,  138 ; makes  extravagant 
claims,  139  ; ignores  neutrality,  139, 
141 ; angers  Jefferson  by  his  folly, 
141  ; his  recall  demanded,  142  ; ac- 
cuses Jefferson  of  duplicity,  142. 

George  III.,  Jefferson’s  opinion  of, 
27 ; anti-slavery  attack  on,  in  De- 
claration of  Independence,  struck 


314 


INDEX 


out,  32 ; his  treatment  of  Adams 
and  Jefferson  in  London,  72. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  signs  Declaration  of 
Independence,  34 ; suggested  as  en- 
voy to  France  by  Adams,  159 ; urged 
to  go  by  Jefferson,  161 ; in  X Y Z 
episode,  167 ; denounced  for  re- 
maining in  Paris  after  it,  167. 

Giles,  W.  B.,  his  resolutions  of  cen- 
sure on  Hamilton  approved  by  Jef- 
ferson, 109,  110 ; defends  Jeffer- 
son’s report  on  commerce,  149. 

Grange,  controversy  with  Genet  over 
its  capture,  135,  136,  138. 

Greene,  Gen.  Nathanael,  aided  by  Jef- 
ferson in  1780,  52. 

Gunboats,  built  by  Jefferson,  their 
character,  259,  260. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  his  success  in 
the  cabinet,  88  ; seeks  aid  from  Jef- 
ferson in  carrying  assumption  of 
state  debts,  89,  90  ; makes  agree- 
ment to  trade  capital  for  debts,  90  ; 
later  Said  by  Jefferson  to  have 
deceived  him,  91 ; his  measures  not 
at  first  comprehended  by  Jefferson, 
92 ; his  financial  methods  called  a 
“ puzzle  ” by  Jefferson,  94,  95  ; his 
schemes  carried  through  before  Jef- 
ferson becomes  hostile,  95  ; at  first 
friendly  with  Jefferson,  96 ; his 
centralizing  policy  detected  by  Jef- 
ferson, 97  ; grows  personally  hostile 
to  Jefferson,  98  ; called  a monarch- 
ist by  Jefferson,  101,  102 ; and  an 
enemy  of  the  Constitution,  1Q4; 
suspected  of  organizing  corruption, 
106  ; argues  in  favor  of.  bank,  107  ; 
his  methods  of  bribery  described  by 
Jefferson,  110,  111-115,  124;  his 
followers  compared  to  Jefferson’s, 
116;  his  report  on  manufactures, 
113  ; alleged  remarks  of,  on  Consti- 
tution, 113,  123  ; charged  with  wish- 
ing to  make  debt  perpetual,  110, 
112,  124  ; annoyed  at  Freneau’s  at- 
tacks, 120  ; attacks  Jefferson  under 
title  of  “An  American,”  121;  ac- 
cuses him  of  disloyalty  to  Constitu- 
tion, 121  ; refuses  to  notice  Freneau, 
121  ; accused  of  intermeddling  in 
Jefferson’s  department,  123,  140; 


praised  by  Federalists  for  not  at- 
tacking Jefferson  to  Washington, 
126,  127  ; too  strong  for  Jefferson 
in  cabinet,  128 ; dislikes  French 
Revolution,  130,  131 ; relies  on 
wealthy  and  intelligent  classes,  131 ; 
favors  England,  133  ; called  “ An- 
glomaniac ” by  Jefferson,  135,136; 
as  “ Camillus  ” defends  Jay  treaty, 
151  ; his  influence  dreaded  by  Jef- 
ferson, 151 ; his  loss  of  control  over 
Federalists  foreseen  by  Jefferson, 
157  ; exercises  influence  to  prevent 
election  of  Burr  in  place  of  Jeffer- 
son, 182 ; exposed  by  Callender, 
201,  203 ; personal  morality  com- 
pared with  Jefferson’s,  204 ; credit 
for  results  of  his  financial  policy 
claimed  by  Jefferson,  237,  238. 

Hamilton,  Colonel  Henry,  captured 
and  put  in  irons  by  Jefferson,  54 ; 
his  release  advised  by  Washington, 
54. 

Hancock,  John,  remarks  on  signing 
Declaration  of  Independence,  34. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  signs  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  34. 

Hay,  George,  counsel  for  government 
in  Burr  treason  case,  252,  253. 

Henry,  Patrick,  his  friendship  with 
Jefferson,  15 ; inspires  him  by  his 
eloquence,  15 ; neglects  to  present 
Jefferson’s  resolutions  to  conven- 
tion, 18,  19 ; career  as  first  gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  51, 52,  54. 

Impeachment,  of  Pickering,  230,  231 ; 
of  Chase,  231-234. 

Independence,  of  colonies,  disclaimed 
by  Jefferson,  25,  27 ; attitude  of 
public  men  toward  it,  26 ; its  pos- 
sibility foreseen  by  Jefferson,  27. 

Internal  improvements,  suggested  as 
advisable  by  Jefferson,  261 ; later 
denounced  by  him  as  unconstitu- 
tional, 294. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  compared  with  Jef- 
ferson, 132,  194. 

Jacobins,  name  assumed  by  Ameri- 
cans, 137  ; their  massacres  in  France 
condoned  by  Jefferson,  137. 

Jay,  John,  superseded  by  Jefferson  as 


INDEX 


315 


document  writer  of  Congress,  24; 
an  opponent  of  R.  H.  Lee  in  Con- 
gress, 31 ; on  peace  commission,  66 ; 
acts  as  temporary  secretary  of  state, 
SS  ; liis  treaty  condemned  by  Jeffer- 
son, 151 ; proposed  as  president  pro 
tempore  in  1S00  to  defeat  Jefferson, 
179,  180. 

Jefferson,  Martha,  consoles  Jefferson 
for  death  of  his  wife,  65  ; at  school 
in  Paris,  70. 

Jefferson,  Mary,  second  daughter  of 
Jefferson,  65. 

Jefferson,  Peter,  father  of  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson, character  and  career,  3,4; 
connection  with  Randolph  family, 
3 ; his  estates,  3 ; death,  4. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  birth,  2;  ancestry, 
2,  3 ; appearance  in  youth,  4 ; taste 
for  sport  and  music,  4,  5 ; studies 
at  William  and  Mary  College,  5 ; his 
habits  of  life  there,  5 ; his  intellec- 
tual interests,  5,  6 ; reads  law  with 
Wythe,  6,  7 ; his  friends,  7 ; his 
youthful  correspondence  and  love 
affairs,  7,  8 ; marries,  9 ; gains  pro- 
perty, 8,  9 ; succeeds  at  the  bar,  9, 
10 ; love  of  farming/  10-13  ; high 
estimate  of  its  place  In  society,  10, 
11 ; dreads  cities  and"  artificers,  11, 
12  ; keen  observation  of  agriculture, 
12 ; desires  to  make  innovations, 
13 ; his  utilitarian  imagination,  13  ; 
youthful  tendency  toward  roman- 
ticism and  Ossian,  13,  14 ; inti- 
mate with  Henry,  15  ; impressed  by 
Henry’s  speech  against  Stamp  Act, 
15. 

Revolutionary  Leader  in  Virginia. 
Elected  to  House  of  Burgesses,  16  ; 
draws  resolutions  in  reply  to  gov- 
ernor’s speech,  16  ; signs  non-impor- 
tation agreement,  16 ; reelected,  16  ; 
joins  with  radicals  in  appointing  a 
committee  of  correspondence,  17 ; 
distrusts  old  leaders,  17 ; joins  in 
passing  resolution  to  appoint  fast 
day  after  Boston  Port  Bill,  18 ; 
elected  to  colonial  convention,  18; 
describes  method  of  leadership, 
18  n.  ; his  draft  of  instructions  for 
Virginian  members  of  Congress  not 
approved  by  Henry,  19 ; birc  pre- , 


sented  by  Randolph,  ^dopted,  and 
printed,  19 ; his  pamphlet  circu- 
lated in  England,  19 ; his  radical 
argument  against  parliamentary  su- 
premacy, 19,  20 ; considered  a 

traitor  in  England,  21 ; his  position 
too  radical  for  Virginia,  21 ; elected 
alternate  delegate  to  Continental 
Congress,  21 ; remains  in  Virginia 
to  draft  reply  to  North’s  “ concilia- 
tory proposition,”  21,  22. 

Member  of  Continental  Congress. 
His  reputation  as  a writer,  23  ; not 
a debater,  23,  24  ; supersedes  Jay  as 
document-writer,  24 ; drafts  mani- 
festo after  Bunker  Hill,  24 ; his 
paper  revised  by  Dickinson,  24,  25 ; 
writes  reply  of  Congress  to  Lord 
North’s  “ conciliatory  proposition,” 

25  ; reelected  to  Congress,  25  ; fore- 
sees but  dreads  independence,  26 ; 
states  his  position  in  letter  to  Ran- 
dolph, 26,  27  ; holds  George  III. 
responsible  for  situation,  27,  28 ; 
states  reason  for  postponing  debate 
on  Lee’s  resolutions  of  independ- 
ence, 29  ; elected  chairman  of  com- 
mittee to  draft  Declaration,  29  ; his 
authorship,  29,  30  ; selected  instead 
of  Lee,  because  of  his  fitness  and 
absence  of  enemies  in  Congress,  30, 

31 ; sensitive  during  debate  over 
the  Declaration,  33 ; describes  pro- 
saic reasons  for  closure  of  debate, 
33,  34 ; charged  with  lack  of  origi- 
nality, 35  ; his  defense,  35  ; declines 
reelection  to  Congress,  36. 

Member  of  Virginia  Legislature.  \ 
Desires  to  reform  colonial  govern-  ) 
l/ment,  30  ; despribes  ease  of  change  f 
in  Virginia/4>6,  37  ; importance  of  \ 
his  influence  at  this  timefsT ; brings  / 
in  bill  to  establish  courts,  £>$r,  in-  ) 
troduces  bill  abolishing  entail,  38/7 
follows  it  witlj,  one  against  primo-/ 
geniture,  SS^/his  motives,  39  ; hatec 
by  aristocrats,  39  ; his  religious  at 
titude,  40;  attacks' the  Establishes 
Church,  41 ; defeated  at  the  outset 
succeeds  eventually,  41  ; acts  asV 
representative  of  dissenting  lower  l 
classes,  41,  42  ; his  ability  to  detect/ 
popular  feeling,  42 ; chairman  of 


316 


INDEX 


committee  to  revise  laws  of  Vir- 
ginia, 42,  43 ; proposes  improved 
naturalization,  penal  code,  and  pop- 
ular education,  43  ; final  carrying 
out  of  liis  proposals,  43,  44  ; opposes 
slavery,  ‘^^RTpproposes  a plan  for 
emancipation  and  deportation,  44, 
45  ; his  ideas  too  visionary,  46 ; con- 
siders free  coexistence  of  races  im- 
possible, 46,  47,  48  ; dreads  future 
revolution,  4S  ; but  declines  to  take 
personal  steps  against  slavery,  48. 
49  ; introduces  bill  to  prohibit  slave 
trade,  49. 

Governor  of  Virginia.  Elected 
governor  over  Page,  51  ; character 
of  his  administration,  51,  52  ; finds 
State  exhausted,  52 ; calls  for  re- 
cruits for  Greene,  52  ; his  property 
impressed,  53  ; unjustly  blamed  for 
sending  troops  South,  53 ; confines 
Colonel  Hamilton  in  irons,  54 ; 
threatens  retaliation  of  British  bru- 
tality upon  prisoners,  54 ; unable 
to  procure  arms  for  defense  of 
State,  55 ; inactive  in  face  of  threat- 
ened invasion,  56  ; alarmed  at  at- 
tack, tries  in  vain  to  assemble  mili- 
tia, 57  ; not  a military  success,  57  ; 
tries  to  kidnap  Arnold,  58  ; discour- 
aged at  situation,  resolves  to  decline 
reelection,  58  ; opposes  plan  to  name 
a dictator,  59  ; obliged  to  hold  over 
in  default  of  a successor,  59  ; threat- 
ened by  Tarleton,  his  cool  conduct, 
59,  60 ; angered  at  imputation  of 
cowardice,  60  ; his  farm  devastated 
by  British,  61  ; threatened  with  le- 
gislative investigation,  62;  secures 
election  to  legislature  and  demands 
rehabilitation,  62  ; finally  thanked 
by  resolution,  63  ; praised  by  Wash- 
ington, 63 ; his  actual  deserts,  63 ; 
determines  to  retire,  64  ; writes 
“Notes  on  Virginia,”  64  ; criticised 
for  not  attending  legislature,  64; 
rebuked  by  Madison  and  Monroe, 
64 ; afflicted  by  death  of  wife,  65 ; 
his  children,  65  ; adopts  children 
of  brother-in-law,  65 ; his  affection 
for  them,  66  ; declines  nomination 
as  envoy  to  France,  66 ; and  also 
place  on  peace  commission,  66  ; ac- ' 


cepts  second  appointment  but  does 
not  leave  America,  67. 

Member  of  Congress  of  Con  feeler* 
ation.  Elected  to  Congress,  67 ; 
secures  ratification  of  treaty  of 
peace  by  nine  States,  67  ; arranges 
ceremonial  of  Washington’s  resig- 
nation, 67  ; proposes  a committee 
of  States  to  act  during  recess,  67  ; 
criticises  impracticable  financial 
scheme  of  Morris,  68  ; presents 
Virginia’s  cession  of  Northwestern 
claims,  68 ; draws  report  for  gov- 
ernment of  Northwest,  68 ; sug- 
gests fantastic  names  for  new 
States,  69. 

Minister  to  France.  Appointed  to 
aid  Franklin  and  Adams  in  negotia- 
ting treaties  of  commerce,  70;  his 
life  in  Paris,  70  ; appointed  resident 
minister,  71 ; tries  to  secure  com- 
mercial advantages,  71  ; irritated 
by  creditors  of  the  United  States, 
71,  72 ; protests  against  payment 
of  tribute  to  African  corsairs,  72  ; 
makes  diplomatic  visit  to  London, 
72 ; describes  English  hatred  and 
contempt  for  America,  73  ; angered 
at  disrepute  of  the  States  in  Europe, 
74 ; fears  a renewal  of  war  with 
England,  74,  75 ; justice,  in  spite  of 
exaggeration,  of  his  views,  75,  76 ; 
admits  ’excellence  of  English  gov- 
ernment, 76 ; his  pleasant  life  in 
France,  76 ; takes  keen  interest  in 
French  Revolution,  77 ; friendly 
with  the  liberal  reformers,  77  ; re- 
cognized as  a “philosopher,”  77; 
advises  the  National  Assembly,  77, 
78 ; abstains  from  too  great  inter- 
ference, 78  ; compromised  through 
Lafayette,  78,  79 ; his  political 
views  not  formed  in  France,  79,  80  ; 
but  intensified  by  his  experience, 
80  ; longs  for  home,  80  ; idealizes 
America  in  comparison  with  Eu- 
rope, 81 ; approves  of  Shays’s  rebel- 
lion and  rebellion  in  the  abstract, 
81,  82;  writes  in  approval  of  “no 
government,”  83 ; disapproves  of 
federal  Constitution,  84 ; later  ad- 
vocates its  ratification,  84,  85 ; re- 
I joices  at  its  adoption,  85  ; states  his 


INDEX 


317 


position  to  be  in  the  main  favorable, 
85,  S6 ; his  main  objections,  86 ; 
returns  to  Virginia,  S7. 

Secretary  of  State.  Accepts  Wash- 
ington’s offer  of  secretaryship  of 
state,  S7  ; enters  office  in  1790, 
87 ; agrees  to  help  Hamilton  ar- 
range a deal  to  save  assumption  of 
state  debts,  90 ; later  regrets  his 
action,  90,  91  ; asserts  that  he  was 
outwitted  by  Hamilton,  91 ; untena- 
bility  of  his  claim  of  ignorance,  91, 
92 ; yet  he  really  fails  to  compre- 
hend at  the  time  the  significance 
of  the  measure,  92 ; his  lack  of 
financial  ability,  93  ; holds  that  no 
public  debt  should  outlast  the  gen- 
eration creating  it,  93,  94  ; accuses 
Hamilton  of  purposely  making  his 
schemes  confused,  94,  95  ; his  ina- 
bility to  criticise  Hamilton’s  mea- 
sures specifically,  95  ; not  looked 
upon  by  Washington  as  antagonistic 
to  Hamilton,  96  ; with  development 
of  Hamilton’s  plans,  begins  to 
dread  their  centralization,  97  ; or- 
ganizes an  opposition,  98 ; later 
bitter  personal  relations  with  Ham- 
ilton, 98  ; writes  “ Anas  ” to  de- 
fame memory  of  his  enemies,  98, 
99 ; his  position  as  politician  and 
statesman,  100  ; an  extreme  demo- 
crat, 100  ; called  visionary  and  dis- 
honest, 100  ; elements  of*slyness  in 
his  character,  100,  101 ; honesty  of 
his  democracy,  101  ; abhors  advo- 
cates of  strong  government,  101  ; 
dreads  Hamilton  as  a monarchist, 
101,  102  ; accuses  entire  cabinet  of 
desiring  royalty,  102,  103 ; base- 
lessness of  his  statement,  103 ; dis- 
torts Washington’s  defense  of  Ham- 
ilton into  an  acknowledgment,  104  ; 
probably  deceives  himself  into  be- 
lieving his  statements,  104,  105 ; 
horrified  at  speculation  caused  by 
Hamilton’s  measures,  106  ; dislikes 
military  establishment  and  excise, 
106  ; argues  to  Washington  the  un- 
constitutionality of  the  bank,  107 ; 
logic  of  his  argument,  107  ; fails  to 
understand  financial  significance  of 
bank,  108 ; accuses  Hamilton  of 


founding  measures  on  corruption, 
109  ; analyzes  corrupt  character  of 
Hamiltonian  majority  in  House,  109  ; 
sympathizes  with  Giles’s  resolutions 
of  censure,  109,  110 ; suspects  Ham- 
ilton of  trying  to  make  national 
debt  perpetual,  110 ; writes  to 
Washington  complaining  of  monar- 
chical purposes  of  public  finances, 
111,  112 ; explains  Hamilton’s 

method  of  controlling  House  by  a 
corrupt  squadron,  112,  113,  114 ; 
attacks  Hamilton’s  report  on  man- 
ufactures, 113  ; attacks  Adams  in 
a letter  to  Washington,  114 ; de- 
scribes monarchists  to  Mason, 
Paine,  and  Lafayette,  114,  115 ; 
relies  on  the  mass  of  the  people, 
115  ; foresees  success,  116  ; expects 
to  control  the  crowd,  116  ; does  not 
foresee  results  of  democracy,  117  ; 
involved  in  difficulties  with  Adams 
over  his  introduction  to  Paine’s 
“Rights  of  Man,”  118;  tries  to 
soothe  Adams,  118  ; appoints  Fre- 
neau to  a clerkship,  119  ; accused  by 
Hamilton  of  responsibility  for  Fre- 
neau’s paper,  120  ; disclaims  it,  but 
approves  paper,  and  refuses  to  in- 
terfere with  Freneau,  120  ; attacked 
by  Hamilton,  as  “ American,”  121 ; 
exculpated  by  Freneau,  121 ; refuses 
to  reply,  122;  replies  to  Washing- 
ton’s appeal  for  concord,  analysis  of 
his  letter,  122-126  ; its  honesty  and 
falsity,  126  ; accused  of  cowardice 
and  intrigue,  127  ; his  action  as  nat- 
ural and  laudable  as  Hamilton’s, 
127,  128 ; does  not  conceal  senti- 
ments, 128  ; unable  to  contend  with 
Hamilton  in  finance,  128 ; irritated 
at  Hamilton’s  encroachments  on  his 
field,  128 ; admitted  leader  of  op- 
position, 129 ; sympathizes  with 
French  Revolution  in  spite  of  its 
excesses,  130, 131 ; feels  sure  of  vic- 
tory on  this  issue  over  Federalists, 
131, 132 ; wishes  word  “ neutrality  ” 
not  employed  in  proclamation  of 
neutrality,  133;  chagrined  at  Ran- 
dolph’s drafting  of  proclamation, 
134 ; angered  at  Randolph’s  failure 
always  to  uphold  him,  134;  com 


318 


INDEX 


demns  proclamation,  134,  135 ; ap- 
proves Genet’s  behavior  on  arrival 
in  America,  135 ; calls  Hamilton 
“ Anglomaniac  ” as  well  as  mon- 
archist, 135 ; rejoices  in  damage  to 
England,  136 ; and  in  success  of 
French  armies,  137 ; approves  of 
Jacobins,  137 ; obliged  to  rebuke 
Genet  officially,  138,  139 ; rejoices 
at  terms  of  Genet’s  commission, 
138  ; urges  prepayment  of  French 
debts,  139,  140  ; rejoices  at  popular 
French  sympathy,  140 ; complains 
of  Hamilton’s  efforts  to  enforce 
neutrality,  140 ; begins  to  be  an- 
noyed by  Genet’s  actions,  141 ; 
dreads  that  his  excesses  may  cause 
an  anti-French  reaction,  141  ; con- 
demns him  and  agrees  to  demand 
for  his  recall,  141,  142  ; accused  by 
Genet  of  duplicity,  142 ; continues 
to  favor  France,  142 ; sagacity  of 
his  conduct,  142 ; not  more  preju- 
diced than  Hamilton,  143 ; realizes 
transitory  character  of  Democratic 
follies,  143  ; avoids  condemning  his 
party  and  trusts  to  time,  144  ; after 
reaction  remains  undamaged  by  any 
errors,  144  ; weary  of  cabinet  strife, 
tries  to  resign,  145  ; persuaded  by 
Washington  to  delay,  145;  unjustly 
blamed  for  resigning,  145,  146. 

In  Retirement.  Rejoices  in  re- 
turn to  farm  life,  148  ; continues  to 
condemn  England’s  policy,  148,  149  ; 
assails  Senate  for  rejecting  non- 
importation bill,  149  ; his  arguments 
for  preferring  French  to  English 
trade,  149 ; vexed  at  “ persecution  ” 
of  democratic  societies,  150 ; la- 
ments Washington’s  political  errors 
in  condemning  democratic  clubs, 
150 ; sympathizes  with  “ Whiskey 
Insurrection,”  151 ; abhors  Jay 
treaty,  151 ; implores  Madison  to 
oppose  Hamilton’s  “ Camillus  ” pa- 
pers, 151  ; considers  Hamilton  a 
“ host  in  himself,”  152 ; favors  at- 
tempt to  defeat  Jay  treaty  in  House, 
152 ; feels  certain  that  only  Wash- 
ington’s personality  holds  Federal- 
ists together,  153 ; hopes  for  success 
in  presidential  election,  153 ; Re- 


publican candidate  for  President, 
155 ; elected  Vice-President  over 
Pinckney,  155. 

Vice-President.  Protests  his  un- 
willingness to  serve,  156  ; his  osten- 
tatious simplicity  in  accepting  of- 
fice, 157  ; feels  sure  of  early  success 
of  Republicans,  157 ; rejoices  at 
Washington’s  withdrawal,  157  ; tries 
to  establish  friendly  relations  with 
Adams,  158 ; congratulates  Adams 
on  defeat  of  Hamilton’s  schemes, 
158 ; consulted  by  Adams  as  to 
French  mission,  158,  159 ; declines 
to  go  himself,  159 ; his  relations 
with  Adams  end  abruptly,  159 ; 
rumor  that  the  failure  to  elect  him 
President  would  lead  France  to  de- 
clare war,  160 ; fears  war  with 
France,  161 ; rejoices  at  Bonaparte’s 
victories,  161  ; urges  Gerry  to  go 
on  Freuch  mission,  161,  162;  dreads 
monarchy  as  probable  result  of  war, 
162 ; describes  political  bitterness 
of  times,  162  ; his  letter  to  Maz- 
zei  published,  162,  163  ; in  it  de- 
scribes monarchical  party,  163  ; de- 
nounced by  Federalists  for  tradu- 
cing Washington,  164 ; denies  that 
he  meant  Washington,  164  ; apocry- 
phal story  of  the  quarrel,  164  ; does 
not  seem  to  have  been  unfair  to 
Washington,  165 ; underrates  his 
ability,  165  ; criticism  of  his  con- 
duct in  not  restraining  Republican 
newspaper  attacks,  166  ; shocked  at 
X Y Z exposure,  169  ; does  not  lose 
faith  in  France,  169 ; his  honesty 
of  conviction,  169,  170 ; willing  to 
wait  for  time,  170  ; hopes  that  the 
country  will  be  overawed,  171 ; out- 
raged by  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts, 
i72^  writes  Kentucky  Resolutions, 
p72 ; his  position  theoretical,  not 
practical,  172  ; condemns  secession^ 
173  ; expects  a close  election  in 
1800,  174  ; slandered  during  cam- 
paign by  Federalists,  174  ; his  re- 
ply, 174,  175 ; his  mastery  of  Re- 
publican party,  176  ; does  not  con- 
template danger  of  a tie  vote,  177, 
178  ; his  anxiety  and  fear  of  Feder- 
alist coup  d'etat , 178,  179;  explains 


INDEX 


319 


what  he  would  have  done  in  case 
Federalists  prevented  an  election, 
179  ; both  threatens  and  repudiates 
force,  ISO ; plan  of  Federalists  to 
supplant  him  by  Burr,  181 ; his 
election  secured  by  Hamilton,  182  ; 
feels  no  gratitude,  182 ; said  to 
have  made  terms,  183  ; his  beha- 
vior honorable,  especially  toward 
Burr,  184. 

President.  Supposed  by  Federal- 
ists to  be  pledged  not  to  turn  out 
officials,  186 ; simplicity  of  his  in- 
auguration, 187 ; disgusts  British 
ambassador  by  negligent  dress,  187, 
188;  reasons  for  this  action,  189; 
anticipates  a prosperous  administra- 
tion, 189 ; hopes  by  good-will  to 
break  down  parties,  189,  190;  ex- 
pects support  from  moderate  Fed- 
eralists, 190,  191,  192 ; event- 

ual consummation  of  this  wish, 
191 ; in  1798  thinkfc  New  England 
hopeless,  192 ; rejoices  in  Demo- 
cratic success  in  New  England 
States,  193  ; antipathy  toward  New 
England  clergy,  193 ;’ refuses  to  re- 
move all  Federalists  from  office, 
194 ; plans  to  fill  vacancies  with 
Republicans,  195  ; decides  upon  re- 
moval of  Federalists  appointed  after 
December  12,  195 ; and  of  Federal 
attorneys  and  marshals,  196 ; dis- 
likes turning  people  out  of  office, 
197 ; admits  only  a few  removals 
for  political  reasons,  198  ; later  de- 
cides to  remove  such  as  “oppose 
the  national  will,”  198  ; removes  J. 
Q.  Adams,  199  ; his  care  in  making 
nominations,  199  ; condemns  politi- 
cal action  of  office-holders,  199,  200  ; 
assists  Callender  in  attacking  Fed- 
eralists, 201 ; on  becoming  Presi- 
dent, pardons  Callender,  202;  re- 
mits his  fine  on  ground  of  unconsti- 
tutionality of  Sedition  Act,  202 ; 
refuses  to  remove  a postmaster  in 
order  to  give  Callender  a place, 
202 ; attacked  by  Callender,  203 ; 
calumnies  of  Callender  repeated 
against  him  by  Federalists,  203 ; 
not  in  reality  profligate,  204  ; not  a 
worshiper  of  the  Constitution,  205  ; 


his  high  opinion  of  importance  of 
Mississippi  navigation,  206  ; in  1790 
urges  Carmichael  to  demand  from 
Spain  a port  at  river’s  mouth,  206- 
208  ; his  credit  for  Pinckney’s  Span- 
ish treaty,  208 ; foreshadows  Mon- 
roe doctrine  in  objections  to  Eng- 
lish seizure  of  Louisiana,  209 ; sus- 
pects French  intention  to  regain 
Louisiana,  209,  210 ; chagrined  at 
Spain’s  cession  in  1800,  210  ; writes 
that  if  France  holds  New  Orleans  it 
will  cause  an  alliance  between  the 
United  States  and  England,  211 ; 
directs  Livingston  not  to  menace 
France,  212 ; sympathizes  with  an- 
ger of  Western  men  at  closure  of  the 
Mississippi,  213  ; annoyed  at  efforts 
of  Federalists  to  bring  on  war  with 
France,  213  ; receives  authority 
and  money  from  Congress,  214 ; 
plans  to  buy  New  Orleans  and  some- 
thing more,  214 ; sends  Monroe  as 
special  emissary,  215 ; gives  him 
verbal  instructions,  216 ; explains 
his  position  to  Dupont  de  Nemours, 
216,  217  ; entitled  to  credit  of  en- 
voy’s action  in  buying  all  Louisiana, 
219;  answers  objections  to  treaty, 
220;  foresees  future  expansion  of 
West,  220  ; and  acquisition  of  Flor- 
ida, 220 ; orders  forcible  occupa- 
tion of  territory,  221 ; advises  silence 
regarding  constitutional  objections, 
222  ; given  power  to  govern  tempo- 
rarily, 222  ; his  conduct  clearly  un- 
constitutional, 222,  223  ; at  variance 
with  his  interpretation  of  the  Con- 
stitution, 223  ; and  with  his  theory 
of  state  rights,  224 ; he  does  not 
perceive  inconsistency,  224 ; not 
concerned  with  possible  secession  of 
West,  225 ; his  course  the  only 
statesmanlike  one,  226 ; execrated 
by  Federalists,  227 ; admits  uncon- 
stitutionality of  his  act,  227,  228 ; 
wishes  ratification  by  an  amend- 
ment, 228 ; true  to  his  political 
principle  of  following  the  popular 
will,  228,  229  ; personal  animosities 
toward  “ monocrats,”  New  England 
clergy,  and  Federalist  judges,  230 ; 
wishes  to  curb  latter,  230 ; secures 


320 


INDEX 


impeachment  and  removal  of  Judge 
Pickering,  230,  231 ; resolves  to  at- 
tack Chase  of  Supreme  Court,  231, 
232 ; avoids  taking  responsibility, 
but  instigates  Randolph  to  act,  233, 
234 ; chagrined  at  failure  of  im- 
peachment, 234 ; great  apparent 
success  of  his  first  term,  235;  his 
great  personal  influence,  235  ; skill 
and  modesty  of  his  guidance  of 
Congress,  235,  236 ; impressiveness 
of  his  absence  of  ceremony,  237 ; of 
his  reduction  of  army  and  navy, 
237  ; assumes  credit  for  results  of 
Hamilton’s  policy,  237,  238  ; renom- 
inated for  presidency,  239 ; his 
reasons  for  accepting  a second  term, 
239,  240  ; wishes  vindication,  240 ; 
despises  Federalist  intrigues,  241 ; 
reelected  by  overwhelming  major- 
ity, 241 ; this  election  the  height  of 
his  career,  242 ; enters  office  with 
confidence,  242 ; expects  to  smooth 
foreign  difficulties  by  fair  dealing, 

243  ; altered  attitude  toward  France 
under  Napoleon,  243 ; tends  to 
view  England  more  favorably,  243, 

244  ; feels  horror  at  any  connection 
of  America  with  European  politics, 
244  ; hopes  to  use  commercial  influ- 
ence, 244  ; wishes  friendly  relations 
with  England,  245 ; wishes  to  settle 
eastern  boundary  of  Louisiana  by 
purchase,  246 ; surprised  at  Ran- 
dolph’s defection,  246,  247 ; satis- 
fied with  eventual  success,  247  ; his 
inconsistency  the  cause  of  Ran- 
dolph’s revolt,  248  ; not  alarmed  by 
Burr’s  scheme,  249 ; interested  in 
Burr’s  trial,  250 ; accused  by  Fed- 
eralists of  persecuting  Burr  from 
personal  spite,  250 ; attacked  by 
Luther  Martin,  251  ; ordered  by 
judges  to  testify  as  witness,  251 ; 
refuses  to  obey  the  writ,  252 ; his 
argument,  252,  253 ; orders  Hay  to 
take  down  testimony,  253  ; submits 
matter  to  Congress,  254  ; his  pacific 
attitude  toward  England  and  France, 
255,  256 ; reports  British  outrages, 
256;  secures  passage  of  Non-impor- 
tion  Act,  257  ; orders  Leander  out 
of  American  waters,  257 ; sends 


apologetic  note  to  England,  257, 
258 ; his  lack  of  fitness  for  the  situ- 
ation, 258 ; favors  building  of  gun- 
boats, 259,  260 ; adopts  threatening 
tone  toward  Spain,  259,  260  ; con- 
tinues to  receive  increased  popular 
support,  260  ; suggests  a constitu- 
tional amendment  to  authorize  in- 
ternal improvements,  261 ; his  rea- 
sons, 262 ; advises  suspension  of 
Non-importation  Act,  262,  263 ; re- 
jects treaty  of  Monroe  and  Pinck- 
ney, 262,  263 ; attacked  for  auto- 
cratic methods,  263 ; exasperated  at 
Leopard-Chesapeake  affair,  264 ; de- 
mands reparation  and  prepares  for 
war,  265  ; slightness  of  his  prepara- 
tion, 265 ; waits  for  England’s  reply, 
266 ; recommends  to  Congress  an 
embargo,  266 ; question  as  to  his 
knowledge  of  Orders  in  Council, 
266,  267  ; his  policy  followed  blindly 
by  Congress,  268 ; his  arguments 
in  favor  of  embargo,  269 ; expects 
it  to  damage  England,  269 ; over- 
looks effects  on  seaboard  cities,  269, 
270  ; fails  to  realize  that  he  is  help- 
ing English  commerce,  271  ; dam- 
ages commerce  through  ignorance, 
not  malice,  273 ; does  not  realize 
inconsistency  with  democratic  prin- 
ciples, 273,  274  ; his  supremacy  over 
Congress  renders  him  responsible 
for  lack  of  war  preparations,  274, 
275 ; stupidly  criticised  by  Federal- 
ists, 275 ; calls  embargo  last  step 
before  war,  276  ; urges  secretary  of 
war  to  use  force  in  suppressing 
New  England  discontent,  276  ; real- 
izes failure  of  embargo  to  affect 
England,  277 ; distrusts  Canning, 
277 ; submits  matter  to  Congress 
and  disclaims  further  responsibility, 
277  ; does  not  report  English  and 
French  insults,  278 ; does  not  wish 
war,  but  a permanent  embargo,  278 ; 
his  policy  overwhelmingly- indorsed 
by  Congress,  278 ; admits  the  near 
end  of  embargo,  279 ; dreads  war 
as  a danger  to  national  prosperity, 
280 ; considers  repeal  of  embargo  a 
defeat,  280 ; anxious  to  escape  from 
situation,  281 ; seems  to  have  abam 


INDEX 


321 


doned  leadership,  281 ; glad  to  leave 
presidency,  281,  2S2;  continues  to 
have  immense  prestige,  282  ; his  in- 
fluence in  choice  of  Madison  as  suc- 
cessor, 2S2  ; his  relations  with  Mon- 
roe, 282,  2S3 ; declines  a third  term, 
283  ; his  immense  popularity,  283 ; 
a statesman,  not  a demagogue, 
284 ; reasons  for  his  hold  over  the 
masses,  2S4,  2S5. 

In  Retirement.  Continues  to  ad- 
vise Madison  and  the  party,  286; 
later  relations  with  Madison,  286 ; 
anticipates  peace,  2S6 ; opposes  too 
great  subservience  to  England,  287  ; 
looks  forward  to  acquisition  of 
Florida,  Cuba,  and  Canada,  287 ; 
begins  to  admit  usefulness  of  manu- 
factures, 2S7  ; urges  extinguishing 
of  national  debt,  288  ; his  regard  for 
Gallatin,  288 ; holds  England  re- 
sponsible for  war  of  1812,  288 ; 
wishes  United  States  to  attack  Can- 
ada and  abandon  the  ocean,  289  ; 
urged  to  be  candidate  for  presi- 
dency in  1812,  289 ; offered  secre- 
taryship of  state  by  Madison,  289 ; 
declines  it,  290  ; rejoices  at  peace  of 
Ghent,  290  ; wishes  friendship  with 
England,  290,  291 ; reconciled  with 
Adams,  291 ; alarmed  at  Missouri 
question,  291 ; foresees  a division 
between  North  and  South,  292 ; but 
expects  North  to  be  defeated,  292 ; 
condemns  Missouri  Compromise  as 
an  infringement  of  state  rights,  293  ; 
sees  difficulties  in  way  of  eman- 
cipation, 293  ; his  continued  jeal- 
ousy of  judiciary,  293 ; opposes  in- 
ternal improvements,  293 ; suggests 
that  Virginia  ratify  congressional 
acts  for  internal  improvement,  294  ; 
thinks  this  question  may  lead  to 
disunion,  294  ; his  position  as  “ Sage 
of  Monticello,”  295  ; his  hospitality, 
295;  mixed  character  of  his  visit- 
ors, 296  ; endures  it  patiently,  297  ; 
his  estate  suffers,  297 ; pays  pre- 
Revolutionary  debts  of  his  wife,  297, 
298  ; financially  ruined  by  Nicholas, 
299 ; asks  legislature  for  permission 
to  sell  estate  by  lottery,  300 ; re- 
fuses public  aid,  but  receives  volun- 


tary private  gifts,  300,  301 ; final 
liquidation  after  his  death,  301 ; 
connection  with  University  of  Vir- 
ginia, 301,  302;  charged  with  pur- 
pose to  give  it  an  anti-Christian 
character,  302  ; his  religious  views, 
302 ; a deist,  not  a trinitarian,  303, 
304  ; anxiety  concerning  proper  his- 
torical presentation  of  his  times, 
304 ; views  regarding  his  own  cor- 
respondence, 304 ; condemns  works 
of  Marshall  and  J.  Q.  Adams,  305 ; 
leaves  his  posthumous  reputation 
in  hands  of  Madison,  305 ; his 
dread  of  mental  decay,  305 ; regrets 
loss  of  power  and  influence,  306; 
last  days  and  death,  306,  307. 

Characteristics.  Affectionateness, 
65,  66  ; business  honesty,  174,  297, 
298 ; courage,  59,  60,  202 ; discre- 
tion, 7,  49,  68,  78,  122,  142,  164, 
233,  249 ; disingenuousness,  98,  99, 
100,  103,  127,  142,  166,  169,  201,  240, 
285 ; education,  6 ; financial  weak- 
ness, 93,  95,  108,  128 ; grandilo- 
quence, 39,  49, 187,  260  ; hospitality, 
295,  297  ; imagination,  13,  287  ; in- 
ventiveness, 13 ; legal  ability,  7,  9, 
107 ; literary  ability,  23,  24,  34 ; 
love  of  farming,  10,  11,  12,  148  ; 
love  of  peace,  24,  30,  75,  118,  127, 
144,  163,  189,  255,  279,  291  ; mili- 
tary weakness,  51,  52-63,  289 ; mu- 
sical taste,  4 ; morals,  6,  203,  204  ; 
optimism,  189,  212,  242,  243,  247, 
289 ; ostentatious  simplicity,  157, 
187,  188,  237,  295  ; oratorical  weak- 
ness, 10,  23,  24,  33  ; partisanship, 
181,  190,  191,  200,  237,  238;  pa- 
triotism, 80,  81 ; personal  appear- 
ance, 4 ; popular  insight  and  con- 
trol, 41,  42,  132,  143,  176,  189, 
191,  226,  236  ; radicalism,  15, 17,20, 
24,  37,  79,  100 ; religious  views, 
40 ^ ikh_302-304  ; sensitiveness,  33, 
62,  63 ; sentimentalism,  8,  13,  14, 
225  ; shrewdness,  91,  100,  113,  156, 
175,  216;  sincerity,  100,  104,  120, 
184,  242 ; sporting  tastes,  4 ; stu- 
diousness, 6,  7 ; theoretical  hab- 
its, 34,  46,  48,  66,  69,  77,  116,  172, 
191. 

Political  Opinions.  General  sum* 


322 


INDEX 


mary,  284;  “Anas,”  98,  291;  ap- 
pointments to  office,  198-200 ; as- 
sumption of  state  debt,  90-92 ; 
bank,  10G-108  ; Burr’s  treason,  249- 
254 ; Barbary  States,  72 ; causes  of 
Revolution,  27  ; centralization,  92, 
262 ; commerce,  71,  149,  270,  2S7  ; 
confederation,  67,  83  ; Constitution, 
84-86,  96,  107,  124,  152,  180,  202, 
205,  223-228,  251-253,  292;  Cuban 
annexation,  287  ; democracy,  37,  38, 
39,  42,  43,  79,  81-83,  97,  100,  101, 
115-117, 132,  170,  205,  228,  229,  273, 
284 ; Democratic-Republican  party, 
143,  144,  176;  disunion,  173,  225; 
economics,  11,  12  ; education,  302  ; 
embargo,  161,  266,  280  ; England, 
61,  73-76,  136,  138,  148,  211,  244, 
245,  255-278,  287-290;  Federalist 
party,  135,  136,  140,  150,  163,  174, 
178,  189-191,  213,  227,  240,  241,  265, 
280  ; financial  policy  of  Hamilton, 
91,  94,  105,  109,  110-114,  123 ; Flor- 
ida, annexation  of,  246,  259,  287  ; 
France,  123,  133,  138,  169,  210-216, 
244,  255,  272 ; French  Revolution, 
77,  78,  130, 131,  136, 137,  148  ; Genet 
affair,  135-142 ; government,  83, 
223  ; independence  of  colonies,  26, 
27,  35  ; internal  improvements,  261, 
293,  294  ; Jay  treaty,  151,  152  ; judi- 
ciary, 230  If.  ; Kentucky  Resolu- 
tions, 172,  224  ; Leander  affair, 
257,  258 ; Leopard  and  Chesapeake  . 
affair,  264,  265 ; Louisiana  pur- 
chase, 220-229 ; Mississippi  naviga-, 
tion,  206-217 ; Missouri  Compro- 
mise, 291-293  ; monarchical  policy/ 
of  Federalists,  101-103, 104, 105, 109, 
111,  113, 114, 163, 190 ; national  debt, 
93,  94,  110,  111,  288;  navy,  .259, 
265 ; New  England,  192,  193,  276 ; 
non-importation,  149,  161,  257,  262, 
263  ; Puritan  clergy,  193,  230  ; rela- 
tion of  colonies  to  Parliament,  19- 
20 ; religious  freedom,  remov- 
als from  office,  194-197,  202 ; right 
of  insurrection,  82,  151,  276;  sec- 
tionalism, 292  ; Sedition  Act,  202  ; 
Shays’s  rebellion,  81  ; slavery,  32, 
44-49,  68,  291,  292,  293 ; territorial 
government,  68 ; Whiskey  Rebel- 
lion, 151 ; X Y Z affair,  169. 


Kentucky  Resolutions,  drawn  by 
Jefferson,  172 ; their  character,  172, 
173. 

King,  Rufus,  candidate  for  Vice- 
President  in  1804,  241. 

Knox,  Henry,  secretary  of  war,  88  ; 
follows  Hamilton  in  cabinet,  134. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  intimacy 
with  Jefferson,  77  ; seeks  his  advice 
during  French  Revolution,  77,  78 ; 
tries  to  use  him  to  harmonize  fac- 
tions, 78 ; letter  of  Jefferson  to, 
on  monarchists  in  Congress,  115. 

Laurens,  Henry,  on  peace  commis- 
sion, 16. 

Laussat,  French  representative  at 
New  Orleans,  221. 

Leander,  British  vessel,  kills  an  Amer- 
ican, 257. 

Lear,  Tobias,  said  to  have  assisted 
Jefferson  to  destroy  proofs  of  quar- 
rel with  Washington,  165. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  offers  resolu- 
tions of  independence,  28 ; reasons 
for  his  exclusion  from  committee  to 
draft  Declaration,  30,  31 ; member 
of  anti-Washington  faction,  31. 

Legislature  of  Virginia,  engages  in 
controversy  with  Botetourt,  16 ; 
forms  non-importation  league,  16; 
and  committee  of  correspondence, 
17  ; dissolved  by  Dunmore,  17 ; de- 

s plores  Boston  Port  Bill  and  is 
again  dissolved,  17,  18 ; approves  of 
Jefferson’s  “Summary  View,”  18, 
19  ; modifies  and  adopts  Jefferson’s 
reply  to  Lord  North,  21,  22;  in- 
structs delegates  to  Congress  to 
move  for  independence,  28;  abol- 
ishes entails,  38 ; and  primogeni- 
ture, 39  ; disestablishes  the  church, 
40,  41 ; adopts  other  reforms,  42, 
43 ; rejects  Jefferson’s  plan  of 
emancipation,  44;  prohibits  impor- 
tation of  slaves,  49  ; flies  from  Eng- 
lish troops,  59  ; scattered  by  Tarle- 
ton,  60 ; movement  in,  to  investi- 
gate Jefferson’s  conduct,  62  ; passes 
resolutions  of  thanks,  63 ; anger  of 
Jefferson  with,  64. 

Leopard,  attacks  Chesapeake,  264-= 
267. 


INDEX 


323 


Leslie,  General,  invades  Virginia,  55, 
56. 

Lincoln,  Levi,  interrupts  the  “mid- 
night appointments,”  1S6  ; letter  of 
Jefferson  to,  on  the  embargo,  276. 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  on  committee 
to  prepare  Declaration  of  Independ- 
ence, 29  ; letter  of  Jefferson  to,  on 
French  acquisition  of  Louisiana, 
211 ; instructed  by  Jefferson  to  se- 
cure a depot  on  Mississippi,  215 ; 
makes  unwise  admissions,  215 ; not 
trusted  by  Federalists,  215;  joins 
with  Monroe  in  agreeing  to  buy 
Louisiana,  218. 

Louisiana,  purchase  of,  206-229  ; at- 
tempt of  Jefferson  to  purchase  New 
Orleans,  214-217 ; intended  by  Na- 
poleon for  a French  colony,  217  ; 
offered  by  him,  in  need  of  money, 
21S ; purchased  by  United  States, 
218 ; constitutional  and  other  ob- 
jections, 219-222  ; justification  for 
purchase,  222-229 ; troubles  over 
boundary  of,  246. 

Madison,  James,  works  with  Jefferson 
in  reforming  Virginia  law,  37 ; de- 
plores Jefferson’s  irritation  under 
criticism,  64  ; induces  Jefferson  to 
favor  the  federal  Constitution,  84 ; 
urges  him  to  accept  office  of  secre- 
tary of  state,  87  ; recommends  Fre- 
neau to  Jefferson  for  a clerkship, 
119 ; letter  of  Jefferson  to,  on  neu- 
trality, 134  ; upholds  Jefferson’s  re- 
port on  commerce  in  Congress,  149 ; 
letter  of  Jefferson  to,  on  "Whiskey 
Insurrection,  150 ; implored  by  Jef- 
ferson to  encounter  Hamilton  con- 
cerning Jay  treaty,  151  ; inferior 
as  leader  to  Jefferson,  155 ; refuses 
Adams’s  offer  of  French  mission, 
159 ; draws  Virginia  Resolutions, 
172 ; presents  Merry  to  Jefferson, 
1S8 ; the  natural  successor  of  Jef- 
ferson, 282;  favored  by  Jefferson 
over  Monroe,  283 ; relations  with 
Jefferson  in  presidency,  286  ; urged 
by  Jefferson  not  to  make  conces- 
sions to  England,  287 ; his  foreign 
policy  a continuation  of  Jefferson’s, 
288 ; offers  Jefferson  position  of 


secretary  of  state,  289 ; appealed  to 
by  Jefferson  to  defend  his  posthu- 
mous reputation,  305. 

Marshall,  John,  studies  law  with 
Wythe,  7 ; follows  Hamilton  in  up- 
holding constitutionality  of  bank, 
107  ; appointed  on  French  mission, 
161 ; in  X Y Z affair,  167  ; proposed 
as  president  pro  tempore  in  1S00  to 
defeat  Jefferson,  180 ; signs  mid- 
night appointments,  186 ; issues 
subpoena  to  President  in  Burr  case, 
25#1 ; his  opinion  criticised  by  Jef- 
ferson, 252,  253 ; his  “ Life  of 
Washington  ” condemned  by  Jeffer- 
son, 305. 

Martin,  Luther,  accuses  Jefferson  of 
persecuting  Burr,  251. 

Mason,  Colonel,  letter  of  Jefferson  to, 
on  monarchists,  114. 

Mason,  George,  aids  Jefferson  in  dem- 
ocratic reform  in  Virginia,  37. 

Mazzei,  Joseph,  Jefferson’s  letter  to, 
162-164. 

Mercer,  James,  in  Virginia  Conven- 
tion, opposes  Jefferson’s  answer  to 
Lord  North,  22. 

Merry,  Anthony,  British  minister,  in- 
dignant at  Jefferson’s  lapk  of  cere- 
mony, 187,  188 ; considers  it  a de- 
liberate insult  to  England,  188. 

Mifflin,  Thomas,  remark  of  Jefferson 
concerning,  157. 

Mississippi  navigation,  its  importance 
early  seen  by  Jefferson,  206  ; its  ne- 
cessity urged  upon  Spain,  207,  208 ; 
acquired  by  Pinckney’s  treaty,  208 ; 
credit  for,  due  to  Jefferson,  208; 
cut  off  by  Spain,  212  ; its  indispen- 
sability urged  by  Jefferson  upon 
France,  216. 

Missouri  Compromise,  considered  a 
great  danger  by  Jefferson,  291 ; in- 
consistent with  state  rights,  293. 

Monroe  doctrine,  foreshadowed  by 
Jefferson,  208. 

Monroe,  James,  rebukes  Jefferson  for 
sulking,  64  ; advised  by  Jefferson  to 
visit  France,  81 ; writes  to  Jeffer- 
son in  behalf  of  Constitution,  84; 
letters  of  Jefferson  to,  108, 135, 141 ; 
minor  leader  of  party,  155;  suc- 
ceeded as  minister  to  France  by 


324 


INDEX 


Pinckney,  160  ; his  departure  from 
France,  160 ; governor  of  Virginia, 
215  ; appointed  envoy  extraordinary 
to  France,  215,  216 ; instructed 
orally  by  Jefferson,  216,  217  ; agrees 
to  buy  all  of  Louisiana,  218 ; ex- 
ceeds instructions,  but  understands 
Jefferson’s  wishes,  219 ; letter  of 
Jefferson  to,  on  Leander  affair,  257  ; 
his  treaty  of  1806  with  England  re- 
jected by  Jefferson,  262,  263 ; de- 
sires to  contest  presidency  with 
Madison,  282 ; angered  at  Jeffer- 
son’s position,  282,  283. 

Montmorin,  Comte,  correspondence 
of  Jefferson  with,  concerning  com- 
merce, 71 ; interview  with  Jeffer- 
son, 78. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  his  proposed 
monetary  unit  criticised  by  Jeffer- 
son, 68 ; letters  of  Jefferson  to, 
139,  142,  209. 

Moustier,  Count  de,  suspected  by 
Jefferson  of  planning  to  regain  Lou- 
isiana for  France,  209. 

Murray,  William  Vans,  acts  as  inter- 
mediary between  Talleyrand  and 
United  States,  171. 

“National  Gazette,”  its  establish- 
ment, 119.  See  Freneau*,  Philip. 

Nelson,  General,  sent  by  Jefferson  to 
defend  Virginia  from  invasion,  56. 

New  England,  the  stronghold  of  Fed- 
eralist party,  192 ; dislike  of  Jeffer- 
son for,  192,  193,  230  ; hopes  of  its 
regeneration,  193 ; denounces  em- 
bargo, 276 ; threatens  resistance, 
279. 

New  Orleans,  its  acquisition  urged  by 
Jefferson,  207,  208  ; its  holder  the 
“ natural  enemy  ” of  United  States, 
211 ; privilege  of  deposit  at,  cut  off, 
212 ; plans  of  Jefferson  to  acquire, 
214, 215, 216. 

Nicholas,  George,  moves  an  investiga- 
tion into  Jefferson’s  conduct  as 
governor,  62 ; Jefferson’s  relations 
with,  62  n. 

Nicholas,  Wilson  Cary,  moves  repeal 
of  embargo,  280 ; hastens  Jeffer- 
son’s financial  ruin,  299 ; relations 
of  Jefferson  with,  299. 


Nicholas,  Robert  C.,  a conservative 
opponent  of  Jefferson  in  Virginia 
convention,  21 ; secures  amend- 
ment of  his  reply  to  Lord  North, 
22. 

Nicholson,  Joseph,  letter  of  Jeffer- 
son to,  suggesting  impeachment  of 
Chase,  233,  234. 

Non-importation,  adopted  in  Virginia, 
16 ; defeated  in  Senate  in  1794, 149  ; 
adopted  against  England  in  1806, 
257  ; suspended,  in  hopes  of  influ- 
encing England,  262,  263. 

North,  Lord,  his  “Olive  Branch” 
proposition  answered  by  Virginia, 
21. 

Nullification.  See  Kentucky  Resolu- 
tions. 

Page,  John,  early  letters  of  Jefferson 
to,  7 ; defeated  for  governor  by 
Jefferson,  51. 

Paine,  Thomas,  writes  “ Common 
Sense,”  28  ; letter  of  Jefferson  to, 
114;  his  “Rights  of  Man”  re- 
printed by  Jefferson,  118. 

Peabody,  Andrew  P. , on  Judge  Pick- 
ering’s character  and  failings,  231. 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  argues  in  favor 
of  primogeniture  in  Virginia,  39. 

Phillips,  General,  protests  against 
Jefferson’s  treatment  of  Hamilton, 
54. 

Pickering,  Judge  John,  impeached  at 
Jefferson’s  suggestion,  230,  231 ; 
discussion  of  justice  of  action,  231 
and  note. 

Pickering,  Timothy,  criticises  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  for  lack  of 
originality,  35 ; his  low  opinion  of 
Washington’s  mental  ability,  165. 

Pinckney,  C.  C.,  suggested  for  French 
mission  by  Adams,  159  ; rejected  by 
France,  160  ; reappointed  on  com- 
mission with  Gerry  and  Marshall, 
161 ; in  X Y Z episode,  167  ; Feder- 
alist candidate  for  Vice-President 
in  1800,  177  ; for  President  in  1804, 
241. 

Pinckney,  Thomas,  candidate  for  Vice- 
President,  154 ; defeated  through 
Federalist  bad  faith,  155. 

Pinkney,  William,  joins  Monroe  in 


INDEX 


325 


making  unsuccessful  treaty  of  1806 
with  England,  262 ; reports  effect 
of  embargo  in  England,  270  ; reports 
conversation  with  Canning,  277. 

Potter,  Sukey,  flirtation  of  Jefferson 
with,  8. 

Primogeniture,  abolished  in  Virginia, 
39. 

Puritan  clergy,  hated  by  Jefferson, 
193,  229. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  his  attack  on  the  em- 
bargo, 274. 

Randall.  Henry  S.,  quoted  concern- 
ing Jefferson,  10,  51,  289,  296,  298, 
301,  303. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  attorney-general, 
SS  ; writes  neutrality  proclamation, 
134;  annoys  Jefferson  by  failing 
steadily  to  support  him,  134,  136 ; 
his  real  shrewdness,  134  ; action  at 
time  of  Jay  treaty,  152. 

Randolph,  Jane,  mother  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,  3 ; her  family  connec- 
tions, 3,  4. 

Randolph,  John,  letters  of  Jefferson 
to,  on  causes  of  Revolution,  26,  27. 

Randolph,  John,  of  Roanoke,  leader 
of  Democrats  in  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, 214 ; secures  grant  of 
authority  to  Jefferson  to  purchase 
territory,  214 ; leads  House  to  vote 
money  for  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
222 ; unable  to  reconcile  purchase 
with  Constitution,  223  ; leads  House 
to  impeach  Chase,  233 ; defeated, 
234 ; deserts  Jefferson  in  House,  246 ; 
comments  of  Jefferson  upon  him, 
247  ; his  reasons,  248  ; joins  Federal- 
ists in  attacking  Jefferson,  256  ; his 
remarks  on  merchants’  demands, 
257. 

Randolph,  Peyton,  presents  Jeffer- 
son’s instructions  to  Virginia  con- 
vention, 19  ; succeeded  by  Jeffer- 
son as  delegate  to  Congress,  21. 

Randolph,  William,  relations  with 
Peter  Jefferson,  3. 

“ Recorder,”  slanders  Jefferson  under 
influence  of  Callender,  202,  203. 

Republican  party.  See  Democratic 
party. 


Revolution,  war  of,  foreseen  by  Jeffer- 
son, 26,  27  ; its  causes,  27. 

Rose,  George  H.,  fruitless  mission  of, 
to  United  States,  267. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  youngest  member 
of  Continental  Congress,  23  ; moves 
adjournment  of  debate  on  resolu- 
tion of  independence,  31. 

Sedition  Act,  passed,  172  ; held  un- 
constitutional and  void  by  Jeffer- 
son, 202. 

Shays’s  rebellion,  approved  by  Jeffer- 
son, 81,  82. 

Sherman,  Roger,  on  committee  to 
draft  Declaration  of  Independence, 
29. 

Skelton,  Mrs.  Bathurst,  marries  Jeffer- 
son, 8 ; death,  65  ; makes  Jefferson 
promise  never  to  marry  again,  65. 

Slavery,  attempt  to  abolish  in  Vir- 
ginia, 44,  45 ; emancipation  and 
colonization,  45,  46 ; opinions  of 
Jefferson  concerning,  44-49,  293; 
stoppage  of  slave  trade,-  49;  fore- 
seen as  cause  of  fhture  civil  war  by 
Jefferson,  292. 

Small,  William,  his  influence  as  in- 
structor, upon  Jefferson,  5,  7. 

Smith,  J.  B.,  letter  of  Jefferson  to,  on 
monarchists,  causes  trouble  with 
Adamses,  118. 

Spain,  urged  by  Jefferson  to  grant 
navigation  of  Mississippi,  206 ; ad- 
mits it  by  treaty  of  1795,  208 ; cedes 
Louisiana  to  France,  210 ; its  offi- 
cial at  New  Orleans  closes  Mis- 
sissippi, 212  ; makes  trouble  over 
boundaries  of  Florida,  246, 259 ; war 
with,  threatened  by  Jefferson,  259, 
260. 

Stamp  Act,  Henry’s  speech  against, 
15. 

State  rights,  declared  by  Jefferson, 
172,  173,  224 ; violated  by  him  in 
acquisition  of  Louisiana,  224;  yet 
still  upheld,  225 ; inconsistent  with 
Jefferson’s  scheme  of  internal  im- 
provements, 261,  262  ; infringed  by 
Missouri  Compromise,  293 ; asserted 
by  Jefferson  in  connection  with  in- 
ternal improvements,  294. 

Supreme  Court,  suspected  by  Jeffer- 


326 


INDEX 


son,  196,  229,  293 ; attacked  in 
Chase  impeachment,  231-234 ; tri- 
umphs over  Jefferson,  234 ; defied 
by  him  in  Burr  case,  251-253. 

Talleyrand,  demands  bribes  from 
United  States  commissioners,  167  ; 
considered  by  Jefferson  to  mis- 
represent France,  169 ; makes  ad- 
vances for  reconciliation,  171. 

Tarleton,  Sir  Banastre,  nearly  cap- 
tures Jefferson,  59,  60 ; does  not 
ravage  Jefferson’s  house,  60. 

Trumbull,  Jonathan,  refuses  to  com- 
ply with  Jefferson’s  requisition  for 
militia,  279. 

Tucker,  Professor,  on  Declaration  of 
Independence,  35  ; defends  Colonel 
Hamilton,  54. 

University  of  Virginia,  its  estab- 
lishment by  Jefferson,  302. 

Vergennes,  Comte  de,  correspond- 
ence cf  Jefferson  with,  concerning 
commerce,  71. 

Virginia,  aristocratic  society  in,  1,  2, 
5,  39 ; the  bar  in,  9 ; farming  in,  10, 
12  ; elections  in,  16 ; opposes  par- 
liamentary supremacy,  16-22 ; ready 
for  independence  in  1776,  28 ; easy 
transition  in,  from  monarchy  to 
republic,  37  ; democratic  reform  in, 
37-43 ; movement  in,  among  dis- 
senters, against  Established  Church, 
41,  42;  slavery  in,  44,  45,  47;  ad- 
ministration of  Henry  as  governor 
of,  51,  52;  administration  of  Jef- 
ferson, 51-63 ; its  exertions  and 
exhaustion  under  Henry,  52 ; in- 
creased exhaustion  of,  in  1780,  52  ; 
ravaged  by  British,  54,  55  ; invaded 
in  1780,  56, 57  ; inefficient  efforts  of 
Jefferson  as  governor  to  defend,  56, 
57 ; dissatisfaction  in,  with  Jeffer- 
son, 58, 62  ; raided  by  Tarleton,  59- 
61;  delivered  by  fall  of  Cornwallis, 62. 

Warville,  Brissot  de,  letter  of  Jeffer- 
son to,  on  slavery,  47, 48. 

Washington,  George,  reduces  Boston, 
28 ; faction  opposed  to,  in  Congress, 
31 ; advises  mild  treatment  of  Colo- 


nel Hamilton,  54 ; writes  compli- 
mentary letter  to  Jefferson,  63; 
his  resignation,  67 ; makes  Jeffer- 
son secretary  of  state,  87  ; his  other 
officers,  88 ; does  not  recognize  any 
parties,  96  ; rejects  Jefferson’s  accu- 
sations of  monarchy  against  Ham- 
ilton, 104 ; signs  bill  establishing 
bank,  107 ; annoyed  at  dissensions 
in  cabinet,  110,  111 ; appealed  to  by 
Jefferson  to  accept  a second  term 
in  order  to  defeat  monarchists,  111, 
112 ; bitterly  attacked  by  Freneau, 
120  ; endeavors  to  persuade  Hamil- 
ton and  Jefferson  to  cease  newspa- 
per controversy,  122 ; not  moved 
by  Jefferson’s  attacks  on  Hamilton, 
126 ; advised  by  Jefferson  to  ad- 
vance debt  payments  to  France, 
140  ; reluctant  to  accept  Jefferson’s 
resignation,  145,  146 ; his  denuncia- 
tion of  democratic  societies  de- 
plored by  Jefferson,  150  ; distrusted 
by  Jefferson  as  a possible  danger  to 
country,  150;  his  retirement  wel- 
comed by  Jefferson,  157  ; said  by 
Federalists  to  have  been  attacked  by 
Jefferson  in  Mazzei  letter,  164 ; re- 
puted quarrel  of,  with  Jefferson,  164, 
165  ; Jefferson’s  opinion  of,  165 ; low 
opinion  of  Pickering  concerning, 
166 ; Democratic  abuse  of,  never 
forgiven  by  people,  166,  201 ; his 
control  of  the  people  compared  with 
Jefferson’s,  235,  283. 

Wayles,  John,  Jefferson’a  father-in- 
law,  leaves  him  property,  8. 

Whiskey  Rebellion,  Jefferson’s  opin- 
ion of,  150,  151. 

William  and  Mary  College,  Jefferson 
a student  in,  5 ; its  instruction  con- 
sidered by  Jefferson  equal  to  Eu- 
ropean, 81. 

Williamsburg  in  1760,  5. 

Wilkinson,  General  James,  ordered 
by  Jefferson  to  take  possession  of 
Louisiana,  221. 

Wythe,  George,  studies  of  Jefferson 
in  office  of,  6,  7 ; works  for  demo- 
cratic reform  in  Virginia,  37  ; eman* 
cipates  his  slaves,  44. 

X Y Z correspondence,  168. 


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This  second  series  is  intended  to  supplement  the  original  list  of  American 
Statesmen  by  the  addition  of  the  names  of  men  who  have  helped  to  make  the  history 
of  the  United  States  since  the  Civil  War. 

Already  published.  JAMES  G.  BLAINE.  By  Edward  Stanwood. 

JOHN  SHERMAN.  By  Theodore  E.  Burton. 

In  preparation . ULYSSES  S.  GRANT.  By  Samuel  W.  McCall. 

WILLIAM  McKINLEY.  By  T.  C.  Dawson. 

Other  interesting  additions  to  the  list  to  be  made  in  the  future. 

HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 


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Date  Due 

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1 £ 

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v\V 

» ; 

$AR  o ... 

' JUN  ~ * 0| 

Form  335— 40M— 6-40 

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923.173  J45M  c.2  37401 

Morse 

f 

Thomas  Jefferson, 

DATE  | ISSUED  TO 

c . 2 


923.173  J45M 


37401 


